The deciding point 節點 is: Whether or not China should joint the framework of the West's global colonial ruling power.
孫毛 say "No". The founders always seem more visionary, self-assured, and more truthful.
蔣鄧江胡 either say "Yes" or say "Maybe". The successors are typically ambiguous, more of a wait-and-see attitude.
The Will of the Chinese nation/civilization says "No", righteously and dutifully.
此事為核心：中國文明和民族意志合乎道義地說"不".
習 says "No". A return of this Will, regardless of his likely clumsiness.
To make this "No" a reality, China must bear a series of hard self-renewals first. Mao revolution (as displacing the Sun 孫 revolution) is only one path to achieve that. There are other paths, with different dynamics, but the results should be parallel, though not identical.
The Palestine-Israel war happening now is part of the regulation of this framework of the West's colonial power, a demonstration of its sttength and efficiency and is the indication that the deciding point mentioned above is independent of China's own clock.
The deciding point 節點 is: Whether or not China should joint the framework of the West's global colonial ruling power.
孫毛 say "No". The founders always seem more visionary, self-assured, and more truthful.
蔣鄧江胡 either say "Yes" or say "Maybe". The successors are typically ambiguous, more of a wait-and-see attitude.
The Will of the Chinese nation/civilization says "No", righteously and dutifully.
此事為核心：中國文明和民族意志合乎道義地說"不".
習 says "No". A return of this Will, regardless of his likely clumsiness.
To make this "No" a reality, China must bear a series of hard self-renewals first. Mao revolution (as displacing the Sun 孫 revolution) is only one path to achieve that. There are other paths, with different dynamics, but the results should be parallel, though not identical.
The Palestine-Israel war happening now is part of the regulation of this framework of the West's colonial power, a demonstration of its sttength and efficiency and is the indication that the deciding point mentioned above is independent of China's own clock.
尼采說的意志。
佛法說的愿力。
Not surprised. You are decidedly among the Yeses.
The Yeses and the Maybes form the majority in WXC. Not a good thing, but a reality.
尽管你会写些古文，但看得出你并没在中国怎么生活过。对中国人说殖民主义其实是八杆子打不着，清前根本是闭关锁国，清末和民国短短几年也就上海天津几个大埠有些租界。中原除了几个传教士洋人比熊猫还难见。还有你对毛和习的评价全是建立在自己虚构的英雄幻象之上，和真实相去甚远。也许你期待中国会出现几个和华盛顿林肯比肩的人，可惜没有，孙文勉强历史上可提一下，蒋介石如你说的坚持抗战担了苦劳捞不到功劳，被他在战时保护了的中共反打为罪人。毛对中国，罪莫大焉，文革断代中国，历史会将他归位的。
没有任何论证妄下结论。一个史实就否定你的一个基本前提。早在1926，《国民革命军北伐宣言》就明确提出“消灭军阀、驱逐列强、收复租界、收回一切主权”。北伐军的司令，正是你认定甘愿被殖民的蒋介石。
43年1月11日，《关于取消英国在华治外法权及其有关特权条约》在重庆签字，其中没有涉及新界的任何内容。同一天，中国外交部长宋子文照会英国驻华大使薛穆，声明中国政府对新界租借地“保留日后提出讨论之权”。
只在教育法有所区别，但北京土话，“你不是个儿。”呵呵。
历史为评判。
這既是世间本来如此，難有geodesic(最捷徑)式的完美，總是曲折多多，災困重重；同时也是中國人/中國的業力所致。
而是因為他們近幾百年來都在揮洒意志，因此在普通人身上也較易顯現，不像中國人那樣充满了自我懷疑。
若强行换轨，极易翻车。
比如最发达的城市比较，在同样的发展阶段，综合地看。
我并不否认文化差异，也不否认欧美制度与文明的优势。但认为这种优势产生的原因不一定是文化，也有可能是或者包括其他因素。