Twice in the final months of the Trump administration, the country’s top military officer was so fearful that the president’s actions might spark a war with China that he moved urgently to avert armed conflict.
In a pair of secret phone calls, Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, assured his Chinese counterpart, Gen. Li Zuocheng of the People’s Liberation Army, that the United States would not strike, according to a new book by Washington Post associate editor Bob Woodward and national political reporter Robert Costa.
One call took place on Oct. 30, 2020, four days before the election that unseated President Trump, and the other on Jan. 8, 2021, two days after the Capitol siege carried out by his supporters in a quest to cancel the vote.
The first call was prompted by Milley’s review of intelligence suggesting the Chinese believed the United States was preparing to attack. That belief, the authors write, was based on tensions over military exercises in the South China Sea, and deepened by Trump’s belligerent rhetoric toward China.
Advertisement “General Li, I want to assure you that the American government is stable and everything is going to be okay,” Milley told him. “We are not going to attack or conduct any kinetic operations against you.”
In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d established through a backchannel. “General Li, you and I have known each other for now five years. If we’re going to attack, I’m going to call you ahead of time. It’s not going to be a surprise.”
Li took the chairman at his word, the authors write in the book, “Peril,” which is set to be released next week.
In the second call, placed to address Chinese fears about the events of Jan. 6, Li wasn’t as easily assuaged, even after Milley promised him, “We are 100 percent steady. Everything’s fine. But democracy can be sloppy sometimes.”
Advertisement Li remained rattled, and Milley, who did not relay the conversation to Trump, according to the book, understood why. The chairman, 62 at the time and chosen by Trump in 2018, believed the president had suffered a mental decline after the election, the authors write, a view he communicated to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) in a phone call on Jan. 8. He agreed with her evaluation that Trump was unstable, according to a call transcript obtained by the authors.
Believing that China could lash out if it felt at risk from an unpredictable and vengeful American president, Milley took action. The same day, he called the admiral overseeing the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, the military unit responsible for Asia and the Pacific region, and recommended postponing the military exercises, according to the book. The admiral complied.
Milley also summoned senior officers to review the procedures for launching nuclear weapons, saying the president alone could give the order — but, crucially, that he, Milley, also had to be involved. Looking each in the eye, Milley asked the officers to affirm that they had understood, the authors write, in what he considered an “oath.”
Advertisement The chairman knew that he was “pulling a Schlesinger,” the authors write, resorting to measures resembling the ones taken in August 1974 by James R. Schlesinger, the secretary of defense at the time. Schlesinger told military officials to check with him and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs before carrying out orders from President Richard M. Nixon, who was facing impeachment at the time.
Though Milley went furthest in seeking to stave off a national security crisis, his alarm was shared throughout the highest ranks of the administration, the authors reveal. CIA Director Gina Haspel, for instance, reportedly told Milley, “We are on the way to a right-wing coup.”
The book also provides new reporting on President Biden’s campaign — waged to unseat a man he told a top adviser “isn’t really an American president” — and his early struggle to govern. During a March 5 phone call to discuss Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus plan, his first major legislative undertaking, the president reportedly told Sen. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va), “if you don’t come along, you’re really f---ing me.” The measure ultimately cleared the Senate through an elaborate sequencing of amendments designed to satisfy the centrist Democrat.
Advertisement The president’s frustration with Manchin is matched only by his debt to House Majority Whip Rep. James E. Clyburn of South Carolina, whose endorsement before that state’s primary propelled Biden to the nomination and gave rise to promises about how he would govern.
When Clyburn offered his endorsement in February 2020, it came with conditions, according to the book. One was that Biden would commit to naming a Black woman to the Supreme Court, if given the opportunity. During a debate two days later, Clyburn went backstage during a break to urge Biden to reveal his intentions for the Supreme Court that night. Biden issued the pledge in his final answer, and the congressman endorsed him the next day.
“Peril,” the authors say, is based on interviews with more than 200 people, conducted on the condition they not be named as sources. Exact quotations or conclusions are drawn from the participant in the described event, a colleague with direct knowledge or relevant documents, according to an author’s note. Trump and Biden declined to be interviewed.
Inside the White House | Leaving Afghanistan The Post's White House team discusses what was really going on inside the White House as President Biden attempted to end America's 20-year war in Afghanistan. (Zach Purser Brown/The Washington Post) On Afghanistan, the book examines how Biden’s experience as vice president shaped his approach to the withdrawal. Convinced that President Barack Obama had been manipulated by his own commanders, Biden vowed privately in 2009, “The military doesn’t f--- around with me.”
Advertisement “Peril” also documents how Biden’s top advisers spent the spring weighing, but ultimately rejecting, alternatives to a full withdrawal. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin returned from a NATO meeting in March envisioning ways to extend the mission, including through a “gated” withdrawal seeking diplomatic leverage. But they came to see that meaningful leverage would require a more expansive commitment, and instead came back around to a full exit.
Milley, for his part, took what the authors describe as a deferential approach to Biden on Afghanistan, in contrast to his earlier efforts to constrain Trump. The book reveals recent remarks the chairman delivered to the Joint Chiefs in which he said, “Here’s a couple of rules of the road here that we’re going to follow. One is you never, ever ever box in a president of the United States. You always give him decision space.” Referring to Biden, he said, “You’re dealing with a seasoned politician here who has been in Washington, D.C., 50 years, whatever it is.”
His decision just months earlier to place himself between Trump and potential war was triggered by several important events — a phone call, a photo op and a refusal to rule out war with another adversary, Iran.
Advertisement The immediate motivation, according to the book, was the Jan. 8 call from Pelosi, who demanded to know, “What precautions are available to prevent an unstable president from initiating military hostilities or from accessing the launch codes and ordering a nuclear strike?” Milley assured her that there were “a lot of checks in the system.”
The call transcript obtained by the authors shows Pelosi telling Milley, referring to Trump, “He’s crazy. You know he’s crazy. … He’s crazy and what he did yesterday is further evidence of his craziness.” Milley replied, “I agree with you on everything.”
A video timeline of the crackdown on protesters before Trump's photo op The Washington Post reconstructed who did what to clear protesters from Lafayette Square, which sits north of the White House, on June 1. Watch how it unfolded. (Sarah Cahlan, Joyce Lee, Atthar Mirza/The Washington Post) Milley’s resolve was deepened by the events of June 1, 2020 when he felt Trump had used him as part of a photo op in his walk across Lafayette Square during protests that began after the killing of George Floyd. The chairman came to see his role as ensuring that, “We’re not going to turn our guns on the American people and we’re not going to have a ‘Wag the Dog’ scenario overseas,” the authors quote him saying privately.
Advertisement Trump’s posture, not just to China but also to Iran, tested that promise. In discussions about Iran’s nuclear program, Trump declined to rule out striking the country, at times even displaying curiosity about the prospect, according to the book. Haspel was so alarmed after a meeting in November that she called Milley to say, “This is a highly dangerous situation. We are going to lash out for his ego?”
Trump’s fragile ego drove many decisions by the nation’s leaders, from lawmakers to the vice president, according to the book. Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) was so worried that a call from President-elect Biden would send Trump into a fury that the then-Majority Leader used a backchannel to fend off Biden. He asked Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, formerly the No. 2 Senate Republican, to ask Sen. Christopher A. Coons, the Democrat of Delaware and close Biden ally, to tell Biden not to call him.
So intent was Pence on being Trump’s loyal second-in-command — and potential successor — that he asked confidants if there were ways he could accede to Trump’s demands and avoid certifying the results of the election on Jan. 6. In late December, the authors reveal, Pence called Dan Quayle, a former vice president and fellow Indiana Republican, for advice.
Advertisement Quayle was adamant, according to the authors. “Mike, you have no flexibility on this. None. Zero. Forget it. Put it away,” he said.
But Pence pressed him, the authors write, asking if there were any grounds to pause the certification because of ongoing legal challenges. Quayle was unmoved, and Pence ultimately agreed, according to the book.
When Pence said he planned to certify the results, the president lashed out. In the Oval Office on Jan. 5, the authors write, Pence told Trump he could not thwart the process, that his role was simply to “open the envelopes.”
“I don’t want to be your friend anymore if you don’t do this,” Trump replied, according to the book, later telling his vice president, “You’ve betrayed us. I made you. You were nothing.”
Within days, Trump was out of office, his governing power reduced to nothing. But if stability had returned to Washington, Milley feared it would be short-lived, the authors write.
The general saw parallels between Jan. 6 and the 1905 Russian Revolution, which set off unrest throughout the Russian Empire and, though it failed, helped create the conditions for the October Revolution of 1917, in which the Bolsheviks executed a successful coup that set up the world’s first communist state. Vladimir Lenin, who led the revolution, called 1905 a “ dress rehearsal.”
A similar logic could apply with Jan. 6, Milley thought as he wrestled with the meaning of that day, telling senior staff: “What you might have seen was a precursor to something far worse down the road.”
【 在 VladPutin (Trump's Master) 的大作中提到: 】 : Twice in the final months of the Trump administration, the country’s top : military officer was so fearful that the president’s actions might spark a : war with China that he moved urgently to avert armed conflict. : In a pair of secret phone calls, Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the : Joint Chiefs of Staff, assured his Chinese counterpart, Gen. Li Zuocheng of : the People’s Liberation Army, that the United States would not strike, : according to a new book by Washington Post associate editor Bob Woodward and : national political reporter Robert Costa. : One call took place on Oct. 30, 2020, four days before the election that : unseated President Trump, and the other on Jan. 8, 2021, two days after the : ...................
【 在 VladPutin (Trump's Master) 的大作中提到: 】 : Twice in the final months of the Trump administration, the country’s top : military officer was so fearful that the president’s actions might spark a : war with China that he moved urgently to avert armed conflict. : In a pair of secret phone calls, Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the : Joint Chiefs of Staff, assured his Chinese counterpart, Gen. Li Zuocheng of : the People’s Liberation Army, that the United States would not strike, : according to a new book by Washington Post associate editor Bob Woodward and : national political reporter Robert Costa. : One call took place on Oct. 30, 2020, four days before the election that : unseated President Trump, and the other on Jan. 8, 2021, two days after the : ...................
Milley took extraordinary action, and called a secret meeting in his Pentagon office on January 8 to review the process for military action, including launching nuclear weapons. Speaking to senior military officials in charge of the National Military Command Center, the Pentagon's war room, Milley instructed them not to take orders from anyone unless he was involved. -CNN
"No matter what you are told, you do the procedure. You do the process. And I'm part of that procedure," said Milley, unconstitutionally, before going around the room and 'looking each officer in the eye, asking them to verbally confirm they understood.'
In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d established through a backchannel.
【 在 dakedo (大蝌蚪) 的大作中提到: 】 : In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his : counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d : established through a backchannel. : : 卧槽 : 这是叛国吧
Milley went so far as to promise Li that he would warn his counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, according to the book “Peril,” written by Washington Post journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa.
“General Li, I want to assure you that the American government is stable and everything is going to be okay,” Milley told him in the first call, according to the book. “We are not going to attack or conduct any kinetic operations against you.”
“If we’re going to attack, I’m going to call you ahead of time. It’s not going to be a surprise," Milley reportedly said.
【 在 rtscts (syslink) 的大作中提到: 】 : from Military.com : http://www.military.com/daily-news/2021/09/14/milley-fearful-of-trumps-rhetoric-called-china-promise-us-wouldnt-strike-book-says.html : 米粒老总给李作成打电话，保证不会有突然袭击，如果有突然袭击，我个人会事先打电 : 话通知你。 : 不是米粒叛国，就是蘑菇头叛国。这本书一出，基本上定性了，洪波们一句话都说不出 : 来。 : 蘑菇头2024年还想竞选？笑话，先担心自己是不是蹲大牢吧。 : Milley went so far as to promise Li that he would warn his counterpart in : the event of a U.S. attack, according to the book “Peril,” written by : Washington Post journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa. : ...................
【 在 dakedo (大蝌蚪) 的大作中提到: 】 : In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his : counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d : established through a backchannel. : 卧槽 : 这是叛国吧
Twice in the final months of the Trump administration, the country’s top
military officer was so fearful that the president’s actions might spark a war with China that he moved urgently to avert armed conflict.
In a pair of secret phone calls, Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, assured his Chinese counterpart, Gen. Li Zuocheng of the People’s Liberation Army, that the United States would not strike,
according to a new book by Washington Post associate editor Bob Woodward and national political reporter Robert Costa.
One call took place on Oct. 30, 2020, four days before the election that
unseated President Trump, and the other on Jan. 8, 2021, two days after the Capitol siege carried out by his supporters in a quest to cancel the vote.
The first call was prompted by Milley’s review of intelligence suggesting
the Chinese believed the United States was preparing to attack. That belief, the authors write, was based on tensions over military exercises in the
South China Sea, and deepened by Trump’s belligerent rhetoric toward China.
Advertisement
“General Li, I want to assure you that the American government is stable
and everything is going to be okay,” Milley told him. “We are not going to attack or conduct any kinetic operations against you.”
In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his
counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d
established through a backchannel. “General Li, you and I have known each
other for now five years. If we’re going to attack, I’m going to call you ahead of time. It’s not going to be a surprise.”
Li took the chairman at his word, the authors write in the book, “Peril,” which is set to be released next week.
In the second call, placed to address Chinese fears about the events of Jan. 6, Li wasn’t as easily assuaged, even after Milley promised him, “We are 100 percent steady. Everything’s fine. But democracy can be sloppy
sometimes.”
Advertisement
Li remained rattled, and Milley, who did not relay the conversation to Trump, according to the book, understood why. The chairman, 62 at the time and
chosen by Trump in 2018, believed the president had suffered a mental
decline after the election, the authors write, a view he communicated to
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) in a phone call on Jan. 8. He agreed
with her evaluation that Trump was unstable, according to a call transcript obtained by the authors.
Believing that China could lash out if it felt at risk from an unpredictable and vengeful American president, Milley took action. The same day, he
called the admiral overseeing the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, the military
unit responsible for Asia and the Pacific region, and recommended postponing the military exercises, according to the book. The admiral complied.
Milley also summoned senior officers to review the procedures for launching nuclear weapons, saying the president alone could give the order — but,
crucially, that he, Milley, also had to be involved. Looking each in the eye, Milley asked the officers to affirm that they had understood, the authors write, in what he considered an “oath.”
Advertisement
The chairman knew that he was “pulling a Schlesinger,” the authors write, resorting to measures resembling the ones taken in August 1974 by James R.
Schlesinger, the secretary of defense at the time. Schlesinger told military officials to check with him and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs before
carrying out orders from President Richard M. Nixon, who was facing
impeachment at the time.
Though Milley went furthest in seeking to stave off a national security
crisis, his alarm was shared throughout the highest ranks of the
administration, the authors reveal. CIA Director Gina Haspel, for instance, reportedly told Milley, “We are on the way to a right-wing coup.”
The book also provides new reporting on President Biden’s campaign — waged to unseat a man he told a top adviser “isn’t really an American president” — and his early struggle to govern. During a March 5 phone call to
discuss Biden’s $1.9 trillion stimulus plan, his first major legislative
undertaking, the president reportedly told Sen. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va), “if you don’t come along, you’re really f---ing me.” The measure
ultimately cleared the Senate through an elaborate sequencing of amendments designed to satisfy the centrist Democrat.
Advertisement
The president’s frustration with Manchin is matched only by his debt to
House Majority Whip Rep. James E. Clyburn of South Carolina, whose
endorsement before that state’s primary propelled Biden to the nomination
and gave rise to promises about how he would govern.
When Clyburn offered his endorsement in February 2020, it came with
conditions, according to the book. One was that Biden would commit to naming a Black woman to the Supreme Court, if given the opportunity. During a
debate two days later, Clyburn went backstage during a break to urge Biden
to reveal his intentions for the Supreme Court that night. Biden issued the pledge in his final answer, and the congressman endorsed him the next day.
“Peril,” the authors say, is based on interviews with more than 200 people, conducted on the condition they not be named as sources. Exact quotations or conclusions are drawn from the participant in the described event, a
colleague with direct knowledge or relevant documents, according to an
author’s note. Trump and Biden declined to be interviewed.
Inside the White House | Leaving Afghanistan
The Post's White House team discusses what was really going on inside the
White House as President Biden attempted to end America's 20-year war in
Afghanistan. (Zach Purser Brown/The Washington Post)
On Afghanistan, the book examines how Biden’s experience as vice president shaped his approach to the withdrawal. Convinced that President Barack Obama had been manipulated by his own commanders, Biden vowed privately in 2009, “The military doesn’t f--- around with me.”
Advertisement
“Peril” also documents how Biden’s top advisers spent the spring weighing, but ultimately rejecting, alternatives to a full withdrawal. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin returned from a NATO meeting in March envisioning ways to extend the mission, including through a “gated” withdrawal seeking diplomatic leverage. But they came to see
that meaningful leverage would require a more expansive commitment, and
instead came back around to a full exit.
Milley, for his part, took what the authors describe as a deferential
approach to Biden on Afghanistan, in contrast to his earlier efforts to
constrain Trump. The book reveals recent remarks the chairman delivered to
the Joint Chiefs in which he said, “Here’s a couple of rules of the road
here that we’re going to follow. One is you never, ever ever box in a
president of the United States. You always give him decision space.”
Referring to Biden, he said, “You’re dealing with a seasoned politician
here who has been in Washington, D.C., 50 years, whatever it is.”
His decision just months earlier to place himself between Trump and
potential war was triggered by several important events — a phone call, a
photo op and a refusal to rule out war with another adversary, Iran.
Advertisement
The immediate motivation, according to the book, was the Jan. 8 call from
Pelosi, who demanded to know, “What precautions are available to prevent an unstable president from initiating military hostilities or from accessing
the launch codes and ordering a nuclear strike?” Milley assured her that
there were “a lot of checks in the system.”
The call transcript obtained by the authors shows Pelosi telling Milley,
referring to Trump, “He’s crazy. You know he’s crazy. … He’s crazy and what he did yesterday is further evidence of his craziness.” Milley replied, “I agree with you on everything.”
A video timeline of the crackdown on protesters before Trump's photo op
The Washington Post reconstructed who did what to clear protesters from
Lafayette Square, which sits north of the White House, on June 1. Watch how it unfolded. (Sarah Cahlan, Joyce Lee, Atthar Mirza/The Washington Post)
Milley’s resolve was deepened by the events of June 1, 2020 when he felt
Trump had used him as part of a photo op in his walk across Lafayette Square during protests that began after the killing of George Floyd. The chairman came to see his role as ensuring that, “We’re not going to turn our guns
on the American people and we’re not going to have a ‘Wag the Dog’
scenario overseas,” the authors quote him saying privately.
Advertisement
Trump’s posture, not just to China but also to Iran, tested that promise.
In discussions about Iran’s nuclear program, Trump declined to rule out
striking the country, at times even displaying curiosity about the prospect, according to the book. Haspel was so alarmed after a meeting in November
that she called Milley to say, “This is a highly dangerous situation. We
are going to lash out for his ego?”
Trump’s fragile ego drove many decisions by the nation’s leaders, from
lawmakers to the vice president, according to the book. Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) was so worried that a call from President-elect Biden would send
Trump into a fury that the then-Majority Leader used a backchannel to fend
off Biden. He asked Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, formerly the No. 2 Senate
Republican, to ask Sen. Christopher A. Coons, the Democrat of Delaware and
close Biden ally, to tell Biden not to call him.
So intent was Pence on being Trump’s loyal second-in-command — and
potential successor — that he asked confidants if there were ways he could accede to Trump’s demands and avoid certifying the results of the election on Jan. 6. In late December, the authors reveal, Pence called Dan Quayle, a former vice president and fellow Indiana Republican, for advice.
Advertisement
Quayle was adamant, according to the authors. “Mike, you have no
flexibility on this. None. Zero. Forget it. Put it away,” he said.
But Pence pressed him, the authors write, asking if there were any grounds
to pause the certification because of ongoing legal challenges. Quayle was
unmoved, and Pence ultimately agreed, according to the book.
When Pence said he planned to certify the results, the president lashed out. In the Oval Office on Jan. 5, the authors write, Pence told Trump he could not thwart the process, that his role was simply to “open the envelopes.”
“I don’t want to be your friend anymore if you don’t do this,” Trump
replied, according to the book, later telling his vice president, “You’ve betrayed us. I made you. You were nothing.”
Within days, Trump was out of office, his governing power reduced to nothing. But if stability had returned to Washington, Milley feared it would be
short-lived, the authors write.
The general saw parallels between Jan. 6 and the 1905 Russian Revolution,
which set off unrest throughout the Russian Empire and, though it failed,
helped create the conditions for the October Revolution of 1917, in which
the Bolsheviks executed a successful coup that set up the world’s first
communist state. Vladimir Lenin, who led the revolution, called 1905 a “
dress rehearsal.”
A similar logic could apply with Jan. 6, Milley thought as he wrestled with the meaning of that day, telling senior staff: “What you might have seen
was a precursor to something far worse down the road.”
这可以解释为什么习大大完全不理会美帝了，武统也是必然的了。川逃税毁了世界和平和秩序
pelosi找了好几次参联会主席谈话。主党当时是真害怕了。
【 在 VladPutin (Trump's Master) 的大作中提到: 】
: Twice in the final months of the Trump administration, the country’s top : military officer was so fearful that the president’s actions might spark a
: war with China that he moved urgently to avert armed conflict.
: In a pair of secret phone calls, Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the : Joint Chiefs of Staff, assured his Chinese counterpart, Gen. Li Zuocheng
of
: the People’s Liberation Army, that the United States would not strike,
: according to a new book by Washington Post associate editor Bob Woodward
and
: national political reporter Robert Costa.
: One call took place on Oct. 30, 2020, four days before the election that
: unseated President Trump, and the other on Jan. 8, 2021, two days after
the
: ...................
傻逼左叉人渣自己发动各种战争，却抹黑右派暴力
聚聚有一半屁民的支持，干嘛都是正义的。怕毛lol
军队内部疮党乌央乌央的，要是高层压不住纳粹军事政变随时可能发生。
【 在 Markenzhang (灵琳) 的大作中提到: 】
: pelosi找了好几次参联会主席谈话。主党当时是真害怕了。
: a
: of
: and
: the
可以肯定，新冠就是床总下的毒。这个二逼，把美国整惨了
只要有人讨论疮肿你为啥都跟死了爹似的？
【 在 DEHEI (的黑) 的大作中提到: 】
: 傻逼左叉人渣自己发动各种战争，却抹黑右派暴力
Book Reveals Gen Milley Secretly Sabotaged Trump, Called China, Sparking
Talk Of Treason
http://www.zerohedge.com/political/book-reveals-gen-milley-secretly-sabotaged-trump-called-china-sparking-talk-treason
参联会主席背着总统私下打电话给共军首领，通报己方情况，这算是通敌叛国 不？
【 在 Markenzhang (灵琳) 的大作中提到: 】
: pelosi找了好几次参联会主席谈话。主党当时是真害怕了。
: a
: of
: and
: the
Trump's crazy. What was Milley supposed to do?
要是巨巨2024又回来了咋办，会清洗军队高层吗
同意。这厮应该受审判然后暴毙。
【 在 boblan(hotdog) 的大作中提到: 】
: 可以肯定，新冠就是床总下的毒。这个二逼，把美国整惨了
美国不清算他床总，迟早要完蛋。美国64很有可能发生。
【 在 redflag11 (cat) 的大作中提到: 】
: 同意。这厮应该受审判然后暴毙。
:
: 可以肯定，新冠就是床总下的毒。这个二逼，把美国整惨了
:
到目前为止，没有任何美国媒体泄露过这种消息，情报部门的90天报告也没有
应该不是川总投毒
【 在 boblan(hotdog) 的大作中提到: 】
: 可以肯定，新冠就是床总下的毒。这个二逼，把美国整惨了
美国情报部门不可能揭露蘑菇头下毒， 因为这已经不是蘑菇头一个人的问题， 而是美国的问题了， 美国政府－－不论是作弊政府， 还是右棍政府， 打死也不可能承认投毒
【 在 superband (stl) 的大作中提到: 】
: 到目前为止，没有任何美国媒体泄露过这种消息，情报部门的90天报告也没有
: 应该不是川总投毒
:
: 可以肯定，新冠就是床总下的毒。这个二逼，把美国整惨了
:
这个当然不能泄露。这要泄密了那得翻天。
【 在 superband (stl) 的大作中提到: 】
: 到目前为止，没有任何美国媒体泄露过这种消息，情报部门的90天报告也没有
: 应该不是川总投毒
:
: 可以肯定，新冠就是床总下的毒。这个二逼，把美国整惨了
:
这哪个网站的，CNN今早报道了，巨巨败选后发疯，看着要策划打击土鳖和伊朗，更是
密令1月15就完成从复函撤兵。看着国会暴动更是无动于衷。提到巨巨本来打算承认失
败，可惜被班农忽悠了，昨天刚罚了文贵，呵呵，看这戏怎么演。
川普应该拍个这样的视频，几个人按住自己，自己还是拼命挣扎着，差点就够着核按钮了。然后给包叔寄去，或现场直播，包叔也许就曲阜喽，贸易战就easy win喽。
美国不是任何文件最远，60年后就解密么
【 在 sanguan(不限) 的大作中提到: 】
: 美国情报部门不可能揭露蘑菇头下毒， 因为这已经不是蘑菇头一个人的问题， 而是
: 美国的问题了， 美国政府－－不论是作弊政府， 还是右棍政府， 打死也不可能承
: 认投毒
这种东西， 不可能留档， 除非有吹哨人出来
【 在 superband (stl) 的大作中提到: 】
: 美国不是任何文件最远，60年后就解密么
:
: 美国情报部门不可能揭露蘑菇头下毒， 因为这已经不是蘑菇头一个人的问题，
: 而是
:
: 美国的问题了， 美国政府－－不论是作弊政府， 还是右棍政府， 打死也不
: 可能承
:
: 认投毒
:
这些左派为了抹黑，什么都干的出来，
作假，造谣，甚至不顾破坏法律
【 在 VladPutin (Trump's Master) 的大作中提到: 】
: Twice in the final months of the Trump administration, the country’s top : military officer was so fearful that the president’s actions might spark a
: war with China that he moved urgently to avert armed conflict.
: In a pair of secret phone calls, Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the : Joint Chiefs of Staff, assured his Chinese counterpart, Gen. Li Zuocheng
of
: the People’s Liberation Army, that the United States would not strike,
: according to a new book by Washington Post associate editor Bob Woodward
and
: national political reporter Robert Costa.
: One call took place on Oct. 30, 2020, four days before the election that
: unseated President Trump, and the other on Jan. 8, 2021, two days after
the
: ...................
【 在 superband (stl) 的大作中提到: 】
: 到目前为止，没有任何美国媒体泄露过这种消息，情报部门的90天报告也没有
: 应该不是川总投毒
:
: 可以肯定，新冠就是床总下的毒。这个二逼，把美国整惨了
:
即使是懂王下毒，情报部门都不会有报告出来，即使有也是绝密，民共两党都不希望懂王被钉十字架，毕竟之前喊赔偿最凶的就是美帝，想想这要是爆出懂王了，还怎么忽悠世界
去听听Woodward曝光和聚聚的谈话录音。很明显他下的毒。
蘑菇头的红波都在农村
所以不怕打核战
蘑菇头就要三思了
如果纽约从地图上抹去 特朗普家族还存在吗？
【 在 redflag11 (cat) 的大作中提到: 】
: 聚聚有一半屁民的支持，干嘛都是正义的。怕毛lol
我只知道这让反华老将很为难lol
【 在 Dashabi1 (大傻逼) 的大作中提到: 】
: 参联会主席背着总统私下打电话给共军首领，通报己方情况，这算是通敌叛国 不？
挽救了美国 是英雄
【 在 Dashabi1 (大傻逼) 的大作中提到: 】
: 参联会主席背着总统私下打电话给共军首领，通报己方情况，这算是通敌叛国 不？
Milley took extraordinary action, and called a secret meeting in his
Pentagon office on January 8 to review the process for military action,
including launching nuclear weapons. Speaking to senior military officials
in charge of the National Military Command Center, the Pentagon's war room, Milley instructed them not to take orders from anyone unless he was involved. -CNN
"No matter what you are told, you do the procedure. You do the process. And I'm part of that procedure," said Milley, unconstitutionally, before going
around the room and 'looking each officer in the eye, asking them to
verbally confirm they understood.'
谁说参联会主席没有实权的？ 面对核按钮，真正起作用的是军队大佬。美国总统从来都是傀儡。奥巴马任上就曾经试图抢夺核按钮，结果被军方来了一个烧鸡大窝脖，把
奥巴驴气坏了。
【 在 bj3 (蘑菇头) 的大作中提到: 】
: Book Reveals Gen Milley Secretly Sabotaged Trump, Called China, Sparking
: Talk Of Treason
: http://www.zerohedge.com/political/book-reveals-gen-milley-secretly-sabotaged-trump-called-china-sparking-talk-treason
看不懂，世界老大连打两个电话给老二说我精神状态良好(stable)，不用担心?
有这必要吗
In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his
counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d
established through a backchannel.
卧槽
这是叛国吧
别的不知道，被老军头坚定站位反对，蘑菇头没戏了，2024年也一样。
剩下的就是如何清算蘑菇头对民主制度的破坏。蘑菇头现在毫无还手之力。
【 在 BroPingtou (ǢŦĦȆȐ) 的大作中提到: 】
: 看不懂，世界老大连打两个电话给老二说我精神状态良好(stable)，不用担心?
: 有这必要吗
防止擦枪走火。
这是美帝拖中国进军备竞赛
操弄中国野心和侵略性的阳谋
【 在 dakedo (大蝌蚪) 的大作中提到: 】
: In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his
: counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d
: established through a backchannel.
:
: 卧槽
: 这是叛国吧
from Military.comhttp://www.military.com/daily-news/2021/09/14/milley-fearful-of-trumps-rhetoric-called-china-promise-us-wouldnt-strike-book-says.html
米粒老总给李作成打电话，保证不会有突然袭击，如果有突然袭击，我个人会事先打电话通知你。
不是米粒叛国，就是蘑菇头叛国。这本书一出，基本上定性了，洪波们一句话都说不出来。
蘑菇头2024年还想竞选？笑话，先担心自己是不是蹲大牢吧。
Milley went so far as to promise Li that he would warn his counterpart in
the event of a U.S. attack, according to the book “Peril,” written by
Washington Post journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa.
“General Li, I want to assure you that the American government is stable
and everything is going to be okay,” Milley told him in the first call,
according to the book. “We are not going to attack or conduct any kinetic
operations against you.”
“If we’re going to attack, I’m going to call you ahead of time. It’s not going to be a surprise," Milley reportedly said.
米粒知道，如果真的让这个疯子总统得逞下令核攻击，自己全家，全体美国人都要陪葬，这种情况太危险了啊。当然要全力阻止。
【 在 rtscts (syslink) 的大作中提到: 】
: from Military.com
: http://www.military.com/daily-news/2021/09/14/milley-fearful-of-trumps-rhetoric-called-china-promise-us-wouldnt-strike-book-says.html
: 米粒老总给李作成打电话，保证不会有突然袭击，如果有突然袭击，我个人会事先打电
: 话通知你。
: 不是米粒叛国，就是蘑菇头叛国。这本书一出，基本上定性了，洪波们一句话都说不出
: 来。
: 蘑菇头2024年还想竞选？笑话，先担心自己是不是蹲大牢吧。
: Milley went so far as to promise Li that he would warn his counterpart in : the event of a U.S. attack, according to the book “Peril,” written by
: Washington Post journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa.
: ...................
这本书一出版，中国领导人，各个大城市的精英们，清华北大的教授学生，中国富人排行榜的前一万人，都会吓出一
身冷汗，差点被BBQ两遍，
一次unseated之后，一次国会coup之后
估计都开始计划把娃送到乡下读书去了
以后还是西藏大学，新疆石河子大学的排名迅速提高了
不留档，负责实施项目的小组(几乎肯定是CIA，才有全部技能）不怕被卸磨杀驴？
【 在 sanguan (不限) 的大作中提到: 】
: 这种东西， 不可能留档， 除非有吹哨人出来
怕有啥用。下令之后，死也得干。好几部电影有这方面内容。
【 在 superband (stl) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不留档，负责实施项目的小组(几乎肯定是CIA，才有全部技能）不怕被卸磨杀驴？
听听而已， 不可能的事，
西方文化崇尚的是军人不干政， 你看见军人在竞选中站队的吗？ 连站起来鼓个掌都不屑！
告诉你， 按惯例， 这厮就是被赐死国葬的命！
后代荣华依旧！
：）
【 在 bj3(蘑菇头) 的大作中提到: 】
: Trump's crazy. What was Milley supposed to do?
基本上，这就是说美军判断中美大战一波打不完。
除非内乱，不然还是光明正大的打比较好。
偷鸡偷不到啥，意外还是没有好。
【 在 dakedo (大蝌蚪) 的大作中提到: 】
: In the book’s account, Milley went so far as to pledge he would alert his
: counterpart in the event of a U.S. attack, stressing the rapport they’d
: established through a backchannel.
: 卧槽
: 这是叛国吧