Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our freedom, our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history, culture, and memory.
...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our civilization will triumph.
Trump’s Defining Speech In Poland, he asks the West to defend its values of faith and freedom.
July 6, 2017 7:00 p.m. ET 1212 COMMENTS
The White House description of Donald Trump’s speech Thursday in Warsaw wassimply, “Remarks by President Trump to the People of Poland.” In truth, Mr. Trump’s remarks were directed at the people of the world. Six months into his first term of office, Mr. Trump finally offered the core of what could become a governing philosophy. It is a determined and affirmative defense of the Western tradition.
To be sure, Mr. Trump’s speech also contained several pointed and welcome foreign-policy statements. He assured Poland it would not be held hostage toa single supplier of energy, meaning Russia. He exhorted Russia to stop destabilizing Ukraine “and elsewhere,” to stop supporting Syria and Iran and “instead join the community of responsible nations.” He explicitly committed to NATO’s Article 5 on mutual defense.
But—and this shocked Washington—the speech aimed higher. Like the best presidential speeches, it contained affirmations of ideas and principles andrelated them to the current political moment. “Americans, Poles and the nations of Europe value individual freedom and sovereignty,” he said. This was more than a speech, though. It was an argument. One might even call it an apologia for the West.
Mr. Trump built his argument out of Poland’s place in the history of the West, both as a source of its culture—Copernicus, Chopin—and as a physicaland spiritual battlefield, especially during World War II. The word Mr. Trump came back to repeatedly to define this experience was “threat.”
During and after the war, Poland survived threats to its existence from NaziGermany and the Soviet Union. Mr. Trump believes that the West today confronts threats of a different sort, threats both physical and cultural. “This continent,” said Mr. Trump, “no longer confronts the specter of communism. But today we’re in the West, and we have to say there are dire threats to our security and to our way of life.”
He identified the most immediate security threat as an “oppressive ideology.” He was talking about radical Islam, but it is worth noting that he nevermentioned radical Islam or Islamic State. Instead, he described the recent commitment by Saudi Arabia and other Muslim nations to combat an ideologicalmenace that threatens the world with terrorism. He compared this idea of mutual defense to the alliance of free nations that defeated Nazism and communism.
But the speech’s most provocative argument was about our way of life. It came when he described how a million Poles stood with Pope John Paul II in Victory Square in 1979 to resist Soviet rule by chanting, “We want God!”
“With that powerful declaration of who you are,” Mr. Trump said, “you came to understand what to do and how to live.”
This is a warning to the West and a call to action. By remembering the Poles’ invocation of God, Mr. Trump is clearly aligning himself with the same warning issued to Europe some years ago by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, who became Pope Benedict.
Cardinal Ratzinger’s argument was that Europe needed to recognize that its turn toward aggressive secularism posed a real threat to its survival. In Mr. Trump’s formulation of that threat, we are obliged to “confront forces, whether they come from inside or out, from the South or the East, that threaten over time to undermine these values and to erase the bonds of culture, faith and tradition that make us who we are.” He warned about a “lack of pride and confidence in our values.”
Mr. Trump is taking a clear stand against the kind of gauzy globalism and vague multiculturalism represented by the worldview of, say, Barack Obama and most contemporary Western intellectuals, who are willing, even eager, toconcede the argument to critics of the West’s traditions.
This is the speech Mr. Trump should have given to introduce himself to the world at his Inauguration. In place of that speech’s resentments, his Warsaw talk offered a better form of nationalism. It is a nationalism rootedin values and beliefs—the rule of law, freedom of expression, religious faith and freedom from oppressive government—that let Europe and then America rise to prominence. This, Mr. Trump is saying, is worth whatever it takes to preserve and protect.
It was an important and, we hope, a defining speech—for the Trump Presidency and for Donald Trump himself.
【 在 catcher (Can I?) 的大作中提到: 】 这篇历史性的演说，很可能把特朗普推到和林肯、里根比肩的地位 Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins : with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our : civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our freedom, our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history, culture, and memory. ...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our civilization will triumph. ...................
对！知人者智，自知者明。胜人者有力，自胜者强。 这个世界被liberals荼毒久已！ 西方文明的核心价值观： And above all, we value the dignity of every human life, protect the rights of every person, and share the hope of every soul to live in freedom. That is who we are. Those are the priceless ties that bind us together as nations, as allies, and as a civilization.
【 在 catcher (Can I?) 的大作中提到: 】 这篇历史性的演说，很可能把特朗普推到和林肯、里根比肩的地位 Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins : with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our : civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our freedom, our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history, culture, and memory. ...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our civilization will triumph. ...................
【 在 catcher (Can I?) 的大作中提到: 】 对！知人者智，自知者明。胜人者有力，自胜者强。 这个世界被liberals荼毒久已！ 西方文明的核心价值观： And above all, we value the dignity of every human life, protect the rights of every person, and share the hope of every soul to live in freedom. That is who we are. Those are the priceless ties that bind us together as nations, as allies, and as a civilization.
every human life of Caucasian white descendant, every white person, every white soul 要这么改才能自圆其说，不然自相矛盾而且也解释不了西方文明种种劣迹。
【 在 catcher (Can I?) 的大作中提到: 】 对！知人者智，自知者明。胜人者有力，自胜者强。 这个世界被liberals荼毒久已！ 西方文明的核心价值观： And above all, we value the dignity of every human life, protect the rights of every person, and share the hope of every soul to live in freedom. That is who we are. Those are the priceless ties that bind us together as nations, as allies, and as a civilization.
【 在 asler (asler) 的大作中提到: 】 every human life of Caucasian white descendant, every white person, every : white soul 要这么改才能自圆其说，不然自相矛盾而且也解释不了西方文明种种劣迹。 rights That
freedom, : our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history, : culture, and memory. : ...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever : be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our : civilization will triumph. : ...................
【 在 catcher (Can I?) 的大作中提到: 】 这篇历史性的演说，很可能把特朗普推到和林肯、里根比肩的地位 Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins : with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our : civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our
【 在 catcher (Can I?) 的大作中提到: 】 这篇历史性的演说，很可能把特朗普推到和林肯、里根比肩的地位 Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins : with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our : civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our freedom, our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history, culture, and memory. ...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our civilization will triumph. ...................
【 在 catcher (Can I?) 的大作中提到: 】 这篇历史性的演说，很可能把特朗普推到和林肯、里根比肩的地位 Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins : with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our : civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our freedom, our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history, culture, and memory. ...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our civilization will triumph. ...................
Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins
with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our
civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare
shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our freedom, our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history,
culture, and memory.
...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our
civilization will triumph.
全文如下：
https://goo.gl/5q5NHx
跟俄国一样！还记得当年一个哲人说西方文明处于美国俄国两个野蛮人的夹击中，极度危险
米果是外法内儒，俄国是外法内法，中国是外儒内法
西边的太阳已经落山了
越挣扎，死得越快
床铺的孙女正在学中文，这才是阳光大道
Trump’s Defining Speech
In Poland, he asks the West to defend its values of faith and freedom.
July 6, 2017 7:00 p.m. ET
1212 COMMENTS
The White House description of Donald Trump’s speech Thursday in Warsaw wassimply, “Remarks by President Trump to the People of Poland.” In truth,
Mr. Trump’s remarks were directed at the people of the world. Six months
into his first term of office, Mr. Trump finally offered the core of what
could become a governing philosophy. It is a determined and affirmative
defense of the Western tradition.
To be sure, Mr. Trump’s speech also contained several pointed and welcome
foreign-policy statements. He assured Poland it would not be held hostage toa single supplier of energy, meaning Russia. He exhorted Russia to stop
destabilizing Ukraine “and elsewhere,” to stop supporting Syria and Iran
and “instead join the community of responsible nations.” He explicitly
committed to NATO’s Article 5 on mutual defense.
But—and this shocked Washington—the speech aimed higher. Like the best
presidential speeches, it contained affirmations of ideas and principles andrelated them to the current political moment. “Americans, Poles and the
nations of Europe value individual freedom and sovereignty,” he said. This
was more than a speech, though. It was an argument. One might even call it
an apologia for the West.
Mr. Trump built his argument out of Poland’s place in the history of the
West, both as a source of its culture—Copernicus, Chopin—and as a physicaland spiritual battlefield, especially during World War II. The word Mr.
Trump came back to repeatedly to define this experience was “threat.”
During and after the war, Poland survived threats to its existence from NaziGermany and the Soviet Union. Mr. Trump believes that the West today
confronts threats of a different sort, threats both physical and cultural.
“This continent,” said Mr. Trump, “no longer confronts the specter of
communism. But today we’re in the West, and we have to say there are dire
threats to our security and to our way of life.”
He identified the most immediate security threat as an “oppressive ideology.” He was talking about radical Islam, but it is worth noting that he nevermentioned radical Islam or Islamic State. Instead, he described the recent
commitment by Saudi Arabia and other Muslim nations to combat an ideologicalmenace that threatens the world with terrorism. He compared this idea of
mutual defense to the alliance of free nations that defeated Nazism and
communism.
But the speech’s most provocative argument was about our way of life. It
came when he described how a million Poles stood with Pope John Paul II in
Victory Square in 1979 to resist Soviet rule by chanting, “We want God!”
“With that powerful declaration of who you are,” Mr. Trump said, “you
came to understand what to do and how to live.”
This is a warning to the West and a call to action. By remembering the Poles’ invocation of God, Mr. Trump is clearly aligning himself with the same
warning issued to Europe some years ago by Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, who
became Pope Benedict.
Cardinal Ratzinger’s argument was that Europe needed to recognize that its
turn toward aggressive secularism posed a real threat to its survival. In Mr. Trump’s formulation of that threat, we are obliged to “confront forces,
whether they come from inside or out, from the South or the East, that
threaten over time to undermine these values and to erase the bonds of
culture, faith and tradition that make us who we are.” He warned about a “lack of pride and confidence in our values.”
Mr. Trump is taking a clear stand against the kind of gauzy globalism and
vague multiculturalism represented by the worldview of, say, Barack Obama
and most contemporary Western intellectuals, who are willing, even eager, toconcede the argument to critics of the West’s traditions.
This is the speech Mr. Trump should have given to introduce himself to the
world at his Inauguration. In place of that speech’s resentments, his
Warsaw talk offered a better form of nationalism. It is a nationalism rootedin values and beliefs—the rule of law, freedom of expression, religious
faith and freedom from oppressive government—that let Europe and then
America rise to prominence. This, Mr. Trump is saying, is worth whatever it
takes to preserve and protect.
It was an important and, we hope, a defining speech—for the Trump
Presidency and for Donald Trump himself.
Appeared in the July 7, 2017, print edition
民族主义本来不错，但又造成新疆和西藏问题
但凡你有丝毫的政治敏感度，你都不能忽视这个讲话。更何况，美国的统治阶层的喉舌(WSJ)还以社论的形式予以背书。。。
这个世界被liberals荼毒久已！
西方文明的核心价值观：
And above all, we value the dignity of every human life, protect the rights of every person, and share the hope of every soul to live in freedom. That is who we are. Those are the priceless ties that bind us together as
nations, as allies, and as a civilization.
white soul
要这么改才能自圆其说，不然自相矛盾而且也解释不了西方文明种种劣迹。
《白虎通义》：“右论纲纪所法君臣者，何谓也？君，群也，群下之所归心也；臣者，缠坚也，厉志自坚固也。《春秋传》曰：“君处此，臣请归也。”
当然，你要是谁都不服就服自己，而你身边的人个个如此，那就没办法了。
至于说‘君王’死了儿子继承，这种事儒家并没有说专门支持。在提出‘三纲’概念的《白虎通》中，其实对各种权力继承模式都做了平等的介绍：
《五行》篇：“子不肯禅何法？法四时火不兴土而兴金也。父死子继何法？法木终火王也。兄死弟及何法？夏之承春也。。。。主幼臣摄政何法？法土用事于季孟之间也。”而且这个和‘子顺父、臣顺君、妻顺夫何法？法地顺天也。’并列，应该说不是提出规范，而只是就当时的各种实际情况作了理论的解释。比如说他也提到了“臣所以胜其君何？此谓无道之君也，故为众阴所害，犹纣王也。”总之不过是说各种情况他都能用阴阳五行理论加以解释罢了。
应该说，《白虎通义》编订本身是东汉皇帝主持的，自然要在一定程度上为皇帝的独尊寻找理论依据。但即便这样，儒家也并不愿意明确的呼喊臣子要无条件的服从君父。“臣谏君不从则去何法？法水润下、达于上也”。你的建议领导不采纳，那顶多一拍两散，这和现代团队合作关系是一样的。在他看来也是取法于自然的。（更早的出处是“君有过，则谏；反覆之而不听，则去”）
manager，臣去做君试试看？如同天地之不可变换！奸名犯分是最大的罪恶不仁
还请你解释解释为什么臣不能弑君？
对人生观宇宙观的探讨稍微少了一点
说你非要遵循这种人的命令。
比如说，文革小将批斗老师，这就是违背了君子三畏。
就拿最简单的考考你个蠢货君臣之分，所男将来可以做manager，季札可以吗？知道差
别了
吗？蠢货google去吧
王阳明和曾国藩都是学到家的，所以人家都是以书生带兵平天下。
他们俩学过什么兵法？上过什么军校？
你要是让王阳明来管微软或者Google，肯定比现在发达得多。
教的核心在哪里，门都没摸着，就吹嘘。曾国藩那种汉奸就不说了
就是个躲在地下室意淫的垃圾。
“搞笑破书”？
那是共产党对孔老二的真实态度的记录！
如今办“孔子学院”，不过是拿老二当敲门砖，贩卖共产主义货色罢了！
其实“孔子学院”是世界上最反孔反儒的地方！
儒家理念的核心是“从道不从君”
孔子甚至说“道不行乘桴浮于海”
邦有道，贫且贱焉，耻也；邦无道，富且贵焉，耻也
弄懂这几句再来喷。
而且玩弄还是汉奸儒生最爱的那套把戏：道本位，历史上搞道本位的儒生比搞君本位的儒生坏多了，君本位的起码如王船山还有点夷夏之别的底线廉耻。而搞道本位的那群蠢货呢？女真人只要拜孔子行仁义我也认！日本太君行王道我也认！道本位不是君本位嘛！你这套老掉牙的把戏真的是拾人牙慧被玩坏了。
且道你个肤浅的货色懂什么叫道？道和君分的开吗？孔子怎么评述易经的开头的？道的核心是什么，什么叫仁，知道吗？
蠢货，回答我，所男将来可以做manager尹口，季札可以吗？所男可以八亿舞于庭吗？
是美帝在苏联阿富汗战争时就打开了，到澳巴驴时加剧，现在基本上美帝都开始自身难保了
。
: our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history,
: culture, and memory.
: ...... I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never,
ever
: be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our
: civilization will triumph.
: ...................
你再悲愤也没有什么用！
学生家族名字多数是几百年钱家族名字，贵族都永远是贵族传下来，平民玩个几把。
古代儒教社会至少理论上平民还有机会玩玩。
痛心疾首状，很多傻x还跟在后面叫好，正如邓挫反右总指挥扩大化很多人冤狱吹捧浮
夸风强行征粮文革后
他再平反，很多人比如本版蒙古鞑子傻x就开始跪舔一样，正如一个强盗把人杀了再给
强盗举行葬礼，本版傻x蒙古鞑子类的家属对强盗感恩带德吹捧强盗如何仁义一般的荒
谬逻辑。------更何况，改开一切向钱看的经济建设中，摧毁的文物和邓产党在文革中九十步笑百步而已。
但是本帅刚刚在这里说一些玩道本位的汉奸傻x儒生，吹捧女真鞑子日本太君拜“孔子
”---此处孔子被加引号是因为孔子被孟子儒扭曲了---就尊他们，就有傻x汉奸老将洋
洋得意的送上枪口了？不谈孔府那群孔子的后人投靠无数异族无耻至极丢尽了孔夫子的脸，谁他妈说中国=孟子儒？如果我要操百姓，会傻x到不去尊崇最低
成本让百姓乖乖听话的孟子儒吗？一群底层屌丝脑子被驴踢了吧！
“蠢货，回答我，所男将来可以做manager尹口，季札可以吗？所男可以八亿舞于庭吗
？”
學問在學不在術
一覽無遺啊
说你不学无术还真是抬举你了
根本就是不学无德。
“: 蠢货，回答我，所男将来可以做manager尹口，季札可以吗？所男可以八亿舞于庭
吗？”