作为纽约州的执业律师，瓜瓜认为用英文发声明才不容易引起误解，中英文有歧义应该以英文为准，而且自己对英文驾驭能力更高，特此公布英文版。 [Now in English] I had hoped to keep a low profile and to wed away from the spotlight, but the Chinese media frenzy in recent weeks, including video leaks of my nuptials taken out of context, continue to draw speculation. Over the past 12 years, my family and I have never defended ourselves in public and have instead relented to the vitriol of a misinformed public. But the resurgence of past events now oblige me to respond - briefly for now, for there’s too much to be said. 1. Personal conduct The WSJ once reported on their front page that I drove a Ferrari to pick up a controversial date. Subsequent investigations by NYT and others confirmed that these were baseless fabrications, which caused the WSJ to retract the article (discreetly, of course). True, I was a playboy and I am partial to beautiful women; but to claim that I wheeled around in Ferraris and attended restaurants in a “tux” is reminiscent of trite fantasies of a Korean soap opera. I wonder, what were the contrivances that germinated this article, with its unabashed “actual malice”; and for it to have been published at the most politically sensitive time? There was also a claim that I was expelled from Oxford. It’s true that I barely studied in the first year. I was wont to cram essays the night before tutorials and instead prioritised running for elections at the Oxford Union - an enterprise that involved copious partying (fun times), but eventually led my college, Balliol, to ban me from campus grounds (sad times). I was hyper and immature,I deeply regret having let down my tutors. But I was never “expelled”, and was reformed in time to sit my Finals. I also took a gap year in 2009 to be back in China with my mother, who was critically ill. 2. Corruption allegations My wife jokingly asked me, where is the fortune that my family has allegedly stashed away overseas? I said, “I wish I knew!”. If we had such wealth, we wouldn’t have needed to toil away and burn the midnight oil. Back then, an army of meticulous investigators, hundreds strong, had scrutinised every scintilla of our lives, and they still didn’t turn up the alleged “billions”. So, if someone knows the whereabouts, tell the officials, and tell me too! It has been suggested that Xu Ming was our family’s “white glove.” Indeed, Xu was close to us. He was not only a trailblazing entrepreneur, but an insightful friend whose gifts to me was his wisdom - and this is worth mountains of gold. Our relationship was always aboveboard. Must every political-business relation be sordid? As was well known, but seems to have been forgotten, my mother founded one of the most successful and prestigious law firms in Beijing at the time. She represented Fortune 500 companies, was a major taxpayer, and was more than capable of supporting my living expenses. My mother’s background no doubt gave her an advantage - fair or not, she had the talents to back it up. She was the first lawyer to successfully defend the interests of Chinese companies in US courts, which was popularly retold in the book and later TV series “Victory in America”. On my part, for the sake of avoiding any semblance of a conflict of interest, I was forbidden to even intern at any for-profit business. My parents’ fall freed me from such limitations, and I was able to compete on my own merits in the open market. Through ups and downs, successes and failures, I now have the confidence to hold my own in any big league, from law to finance to policy. 3. My father’s three errors First, my father thought that hard work and simply improving the lives of the people were enough to make him a good leader. He neglected the necessity of building rapport and was particularly poor at one-on-one communication. This made him appear aloof and arrogant. In a country as big, complex, and diverse as China, our millennia-old experience has taught us that stability is the prerequisite for prosperity, and harmony is the prerequisite for stability. My father’s ways were disharmonious. Second, my father believed that after people got rich, they need spiritual wealth. He started with advocating the reading of classics, both Eastern and Western, including the works of Rousseau and Madison, and singing rousing revolutionary songs that are part of our cultural heritage. But this snowballed into an out-of-control mass movement that harked back to a dreaded era. My father had mismanaged. There is hardly any family that abhors the Cultural Revolution more than mine. Both my grandfathers, my father and his siblings, were imprisoned - my father was only 16. The ones not locked up were exiled or became orphans - my mother at 8. One grandmother was murdered, and the other would get nauseous from simply seeing a bag I brought home with a Cultural Revolution slogan. Third, Chongqing was plagued by entrenched corruption and criminal syndicates that permeated government and society. Don’t take my word for it - ask anyone from Chongqing. My father realised it was impossible to develop the city without first gutting its underbelly. While I firmly believe in the rule of law, I also understand that a procedurally intact and judicious approach is not always possible (cf. Gotham City). My father knew his choice was between doing and not doing. Before he launched the campaign, he told me, “if I didn’t fight criminal gangs, how can I face your grandfather’s memory?” Those who say that my father’s motive was to consolidate power in Chongqing, are ignorant rubes. As the Party Secretary sent down from Beijing, the local forces were all vying for his favour. Had my father played ball and gone with the flow, politically, it would have been smooth sailing. But my father erred in his leadership, he picked the wrong person to be in charge. Wang Lijun initially appeared before us as a hero cop and daredevil crime fighter. But as he was successively promoted, he became more ruthless and power-hungry. The campaign against the abuse of power hence became a campaign of abuse. Wang anticipated that my typically perspicacious mother would become meddlesome, so under the guise of his self-professed medical expertise and role as our security chief, he managed her medical team and administered drugs to keep her in a weakened state. By the time evidence mounted of Wang’s misdeeds, it was too late. He had sought out alternative patrons and laid the groundworks, which culminated in the showdown at the US Consulate. 4. My mother’s innocence As a son, I do not believe that someone with her grace and intelligence would resort to murder. As an insider, I see no motive. Neil Heywood was a casual friend who posed no threat. Contrary to widely reported claims, he had nothing to do with me going to the UK or enrolling at Harrow. In fact, we only met when I was in my third year at Harrow, and was only introduced because he had the unique distinction as an “Old Harrovian” living in Dalian. He sought our help with his struggling business ventures in China, and while he was disappointed when we declined, it’s far-fetched to say he posed any threat. Wang, however, took a peculiar interest in him, went out of the way to emphasise his false “spy” credentials, invited him to Chongqing, put him at the hotel that Wang (effectively) owned, and brought my mother to visit him… As a lawyer, I see no convincing evidence of my mother’s culpability - not first degree murder, not even manslaughter. I ask, which lawyer could disagree otherwise? 5. No ambition for political contest Contrary to rumours, the Bo and Xi families have no history of conflict. When the elder Xi passed away, my grandfather commemorated him with an effusive, heartfelt epitaph. My father had pledged his unreserved support for Xi early on and never sought to compete against him. My parents’ imprisonment also had nothing to do with him. Yet, there are still those trying to compose political drama out of it. --- The above points are my brief response - believe or not, up to you. Omission does not imply acquiescence. I enjoy the vitriol too, for I believe a person without an enemy has no friends. My parents remain my most admired people (along with my wife!). As I said to my private guests about the trio: “Lucky men search for their mother in their wives, and I see my wife, the way that my father sees my mother: she uplifts me when I’m despondent; brings me down when I’m overbearing; and moderates me when I’m overzealous…she also kicks me off the sofa when I play games for too long.” — Guagua AI翻译如下 “**“我曾希望保持低调，并在远离聚光灯的情况下完婚，但中国媒体近期的狂热，尤其是被断章取义的婚礼视频泄露，继续引发外界的猜测。 过去十二年里，我和我的家人从未在公众面前为自己辩护，而是默默承受了一个被误导的公众的种种恶意。然而，近期对旧事的重提迫使我作出简短回应——目前只能简要回应，因为有太多话需要说。 1. 个人行为 《华尔街日报》曾在头版报道称，我开着法拉利接送一位备受争议的约会对象。后来，《纽约时报》和其他机构的调查证实这些都是无稽之谈，《华尔街日报》不得不悄悄地撤回文章。 的确，我曾是个“花花公子”，对美女情有独钟。但那些关于我开法拉利、穿晚礼服在高档餐厅出现的说法，只是廉价的韩剧式幻想。我想知道，这篇文章是如何凭空捏造出这些“实际恶意”的内容，并在最具政治敏感性的时刻发表的？ 还有人说我被牛津大学开除。这倒是真的：我第一年几乎没怎么学习。 我经常在导师辅导前一天晚上熬夜赶论文，却将更多时间花在竞选牛津学生会主席上——这涉及大量派对（有趣的时光），但最终导致我所在的Balliol学院禁止我进入校园（不愉快的时光）。 我当时既活跃又幼稚，非常遗憾辜负了我的导师。但我从未被“开除”，并最终在期末考试前得到改过。我还在2009年休学一年，回到中国陪伴病危的母亲。 2. 贪腐指控 我的妻子曾开玩笑地问我：“你家在海外藏的钱都在哪里？”我回答：“要是我知道就好了！”如果我们有那些财富，就不需要熬夜辛苦工作了。 当年，有数百名细致入微的调查员彻查了我们生活中的每一个细节，但他们依然没有发现所谓的“数十亿”资产。所以，如果有人知道这些钱在哪儿，请告诉官员，也告诉我！ 有人说徐明是我们家的“白手套”。确实，徐明与我们关系密切。他不仅是一个开拓性的企业家，也是一个具有洞察力的朋友，他给予我的礼物是他的智慧——这比黄金还要珍贵。我们的关系始终光明磊落。 难道每一段政治与商业的关系都非得是肮脏的吗？ 众所周知，我的母亲曾创办了北京当时最成功、最有声望的律师事务所之一。她为财富500强企业服务，是一名重要的纳税人，完全有能力支持我的生活开销。 母亲的背景无疑给了她一些优势——无论这是否公平，但她有才能支撑这一切。她是第一位在美国法庭上成功维护中国企业利益的律师，这段经历后来被写成《胜利在美国》的书籍，并改编为电视剧。 至于我自己，为了避免任何利益冲突的嫌疑，我甚至被禁止在任何营利性企业实习。父母的坠落让我摆脱了这些限制，使我能够凭借自己的能力在公开市场上竞争。经过起伏，我现在有信心在法律、金融和政策的任何“顶级联盟”中立足。 3. 父亲的三个错误 首先，我父亲认为，努力工作和简单地改善民生就足以让他成为一名好领导。他忽视了建立人际关系的重要性，尤其在一对一的沟通中表现不佳，这让他显得冷漠和傲慢。 在像中国这样幅员辽阔、复杂多样的国家，我们数千年的历史经验告诉我们，稳定是繁荣的前提，而和谐是稳定的基础。我父亲的方式缺乏和谐。 其次，我父亲相信，在人们富裕起来之后，他们需要精神上的富足。他倡导阅读东西方经典，包括卢梭和麦迪逊的作品，还组织唱响那些属于我们文化遗产的革命歌曲。 但这不受控制地演变成了一场令人恐惧的大规模运动，回到了某个令人畏惧的时代。我父亲在管理上失误了。 我们家恐怕是最痛恨“文革”的家庭之一。我父亲和他的兄弟姐妹都曾被监禁——当时我父亲才16岁。没有被关押的家人要么被流放，要么成了孤儿——我母亲在8岁时就失去了父母。 我的一个祖母被谋杀，而另一位祖母仅仅因为看到我带回家一个带有“文革”口号的袋子，就感到恶心。 第三，重庆当时腐败和黑帮势力横行，深深渗透到政府和社会各个角落。别听我说，去问任何一个重庆人。我父亲认识到，如果不先根除这些问题，就不可能发展这座城市。 尽管我坚信法治，但也明白在某些情况下，程序完整的公正方法并不可行（参见《哥谭市》）。我父亲知道他的选择只有两种：要么行动，要么不行动。 在发动反腐运动之前，他曾对我说：“如果我不与黑恶势力斗争，我该如何面对你祖父的遗训？” 那些说我父亲动机是巩固在重庆权力的人是无知的。他作为从北京派下来的市委书记，本地势力都在争相取悦他。如果我父亲随波逐流，政治上会一帆风顺。 但我父亲在领导上确实犯了错，他选择错了负责人。王立军最初以英雄警察和勇敢的罪案斗士身份出现在我们面前。但随着他的步步高升，他变得更加残忍和贪婪。 反滥用权力的运动因此演变为滥用权力的运动。王立军预见到我母亲敏锐的性格可能会干预他的行为，于是以“医学专长”和安全负责人身份为由，掌控了她的医疗团队，并通过用药削弱她的状态。 当王的罪行证据逐渐浮现时，已经为时已晚。他寻求了其他靠山，并铺好了后路，这一切最终以美领馆事件收场。 4. 母亲的清白 作为儿子，我不相信一个如此优雅和聪慧的人会采取谋杀手段。 作为知情者，我看不到任何动机。尼尔·海伍德只是一个普通朋友，对我们没有威胁。与普遍报道相反，他与我去英国或进入哈罗公学无关。实际上，我们直到我在哈罗第三年才见面，仅因为他是住在大连的一位“哈罗老校友”而被引荐。 他希望我们能帮忙解决他在中国挣扎的商业项目，尽管他因我们拒绝而感到失望，但说他因此构成威胁未免太牵强了。 相反，王对他表现出奇怪的兴趣，特意强调他的“间谍”身份（这是假的），邀请他到重庆，并安排他住在王实际上拥有的酒店，还带我母亲去拜访他…… 作为律师，我看不到我母亲有任何罪行的确凿证据——不论是一等谋杀罪还是过失杀人罪。我想问，有哪位律师会不同意？ 5. 无意参与政治竞争 与传言相反，薄氏家族与习近平家族没有历史上的冲突。习老先生去世时，我祖父为他撰写了一篇真挚的悼文。我父亲早早表态全力支持习近平，从未试图与他竞争。 我父母的入狱也与他无关。但仍有人试图将此事编成政治剧。 以上是我的简短回应——信不信由你。不提及并不意味着默认。我也欣赏外界的攻击，因为我相信，一个没有敌人的人，也不会有朋友。 我的父母仍是我最崇拜的人（还有我的妻子！）。 我曾对私下的客人这样评价我的三位亲人： “幸运的人会在妻子身上找到母亲的影子，而我在妻子身上，看到了我父亲眼中的母亲：当我沮丧时，她鼓励我；当我过于自大时，她让我清醒；当我过于激进时，她让我冷静……她还会在我打游戏太久时把我从沙发上踹起来。” ——瓜瓜**”
dukenyc125 发表于 2024-12-05 19:24 作为纽约州的执业律师，瓜瓜认为用英文发声明才不容易引起误解，中英文有歧义应该以英文为准，而且自己对英文驾驭能力更高，特此公布英文版。 [Now in English] I had hoped to keep a low profile and to wed away from the spotlight, but the Chinese media frenzy in recent weeks, including video leaks of my nuptials taken out of context, continue to draw speculation. Over the past 12 years, my family and I have never defended ourselves in public and have instead relented to the vitriol of a misinformed public. But the resurgence of past events now oblige me to respond - briefly for now, for there’s too much to be said. 1. Personal conduct The WSJ once reported on their front page that I drove a Ferrari to pick up a controversial date. Subsequent investigations by NYT and others confirmed that these were baseless fabrications, which caused the WSJ to retract the article (discreetly, of course). True, I was a playboy and I am partial to beautiful women; but to claim that I wheeled around in Ferraris and attended restaurants in a “tux” is reminiscent of trite fantasies of a Korean soap opera. I wonder, what were the contrivances that germinated this article, with its unabashed “actual malice”; and for it to have been published at the most politically sensitive time? There was also a claim that I was expelled from Oxford. It’s true that I barely studied in the first year. I was wont to cram essays the night before tutorials and instead prioritised running for elections at the Oxford Union - an enterprise that involved copious partying (fun times), but eventually led my college, Balliol, to ban me from campus grounds (sad times). I was hyper and immature,I deeply regret having let down my tutors. But I was never “expelled”, and was reformed in time to sit my Finals. I also took a gap year in 2009 to be back in China with my mother, who was critically ill. 2. Corruption allegations My wife jokingly asked me, where is the fortune that my family has allegedly stashed away overseas? I said, “I wish I knew!”. If we had such wealth, we wouldn’t have needed to toil away and burn the midnight oil. Back then, an army of meticulous investigators, hundreds strong, had scrutinised every scintilla of our lives, and they still didn’t turn up the alleged “billions”. So, if someone knows the whereabouts, tell the officials, and tell me too! It has been suggested that Xu Ming was our family’s “white glove.” Indeed, Xu was close to us. He was not only a trailblazing entrepreneur, but an insightful friend whose gifts to me was his wisdom - and this is worth mountains of gold. Our relationship was always aboveboard. Must every political-business relation be sordid? As was well known, but seems to have been forgotten, my mother founded one of the most successful and prestigious law firms in Beijing at the time. She represented Fortune 500 companies, was a major taxpayer, and was more than capable of supporting my living expenses. My mother’s background no doubt gave her an advantage - fair or not, she had the talents to back it up. She was the first lawyer to successfully defend the interests of Chinese companies in US courts, which was popularly retold in the book and later TV series “Victory in America”. On my part, for the sake of avoiding any semblance of a conflict of interest, I was forbidden to even intern at any for-profit business. My parents’ fall freed me from such limitations, and I was able to compete on my own merits in the open market. Through ups and downs, successes and failures, I now have the confidence to hold my own in any big league, from law to finance to policy. 3. My father’s three errors First, my father thought that hard work and simply improving the lives of the people were enough to make him a good leader. He neglected the necessity of building rapport and was particularly poor at one-on-one communication. This made him appear aloof and arrogant. In a country as big, complex, and diverse as China, our millennia-old experience has taught us that stability is the prerequisite for prosperity, and harmony is the prerequisite for stability. My father’s ways were disharmonious. Second, my father believed that after people got rich, they need spiritual wealth. He started with advocating the reading of classics, both Eastern and Western, including the works of Rousseau and Madison, and singing rousing revolutionary songs that are part of our cultural heritage. But this snowballed into an out-of-control mass movement that harked back to a dreaded era. My father had mismanaged. There is hardly any family that abhors the Cultural Revolution more than mine. Both my grandfathers, my father and his siblings, were imprisoned - my father was only 16. The ones not locked up were exiled or became orphans - my mother at 8. One grandmother was murdered, and the other would get nauseous from simply seeing a bag I brought home with a Cultural Revolution slogan. Third, Chongqing was plagued by entrenched corruption and criminal syndicates that permeated government and society. Don’t take my word for it - ask anyone from Chongqing. My father realised it was impossible to develop the city without first gutting its underbelly. While I firmly believe in the rule of law, I also understand that a procedurally intact and judicious approach is not always possible (cf. Gotham City). My father knew his choice was between doing and not doing. Before he launched the campaign, he told me, “if I didn’t fight criminal gangs, how can I face your grandfather’s memory?” Those who say that my father’s motive was to consolidate power in Chongqing, are ignorant rubes. As the Party Secretary sent down from Beijing, the local forces were all vying for his favour. Had my father played ball and gone with the flow, politically, it would have been smooth sailing. But my father erred in his leadership, he picked the wrong person to be in charge. Wang Lijun initially appeared before us as a hero cop and daredevil crime fighter. But as he was successively promoted, he became more ruthless and power-hungry. The campaign against the abuse of power hence became a campaign of abuse. Wang anticipated that my typically perspicacious mother would become meddlesome, so under the guise of his self-professed medical expertise and role as our security chief, he managed her medical team and administered drugs to keep her in a weakened state. By the time evidence mounted of Wang’s misdeeds, it was too late. He had sought out alternative patrons and laid the groundworks, which culminated in the showdown at the US Consulate. 4. My mother’s innocence As a son, I do not believe that someone with her grace and intelligence would resort to murder. As an insider, I see no motive. Neil Heywood was a casual friend who posed no threat. Contrary to widely reported claims, he had nothing to do with me going to the UK or enrolling at Harrow. In fact, we only met when I was in my third year at Harrow, and was only introduced because he had the unique distinction as an “Old Harrovian” living in Dalian. He sought our help with his struggling business ventures in China, and while he was disappointed when we declined, it’s far-fetched to say he posed any threat. Wang, however, took a peculiar interest in him, went out of the way to emphasise his false “spy” credentials, invited him to Chongqing, put him at the hotel that Wang (effectively) owned, and brought my mother to visit him… As a lawyer, I see no convincing evidence of my mother’s culpability - not first degree murder, not even manslaughter. I ask, which lawyer could disagree otherwise? 5. No ambition for political contest Contrary to rumours, the Bo and Xi families have no history of conflict. When the elder Xi passed away, my grandfather commemorated him with an effusive, heartfelt epitaph. My father had pledged his unreserved support for Xi early on and never sought to compete against him. My parents’ imprisonment also had nothing to do with him. Yet, there are still those trying to compose political drama out of it. --- The above points are my brief response - believe or not, up to you. Omission does not imply acquiescence. I enjoy the vitriol too, for I believe a person without an enemy has no friends. My parents remain my most admired people (along with my wife!). As I said to my private guests about the trio: “Lucky men search for their mother in their wives, and I see my wife, the way that my father sees my mother: she uplifts me when I’m despondent; brings me down when I’m overbearing; and moderates me when I’m overzealous…she also kicks me off the sofa when I play games for too long.” — Guagua AI翻译如下 “**“我曾希望保持低调，并在远离聚光灯的情况下完婚，但中国媒体近期的狂热，尤其是被断章取义的婚礼视频泄露，继续引发外界的猜测。 过去十二年里，我和我的家人从未在公众面前为自己辩护，而是默默承受了一个被误导的公众的种种恶意。然而，近期对旧事的重提迫使我作出简短回应——目前只能简要回应，因为有太多话需要说。 1. 个人行为 《华尔街日报》曾在头版报道称，我开着法拉利接送一位备受争议的约会对象。后来，《纽约时报》和其他机构的调查证实这些都是无稽之谈，《华尔街日报》不得不悄悄地撤回文章。 的确，我曾是个“花花公子”，对美女情有独钟。但那些关于我开法拉利、穿晚礼服在高档餐厅出现的说法，只是廉价的韩剧式幻想。我想知道，这篇文章是如何凭空捏造出这些“实际恶意”的内容，并在最具政治敏感性的时刻发表的？ 还有人说我被牛津大学开除。这倒是真的：我第一年几乎没怎么学习。 我经常在导师辅导前一天晚上熬夜赶论文，却将更多时间花在竞选牛津学生会主席上——这涉及大量派对（有趣的时光），但最终导致我所在的Balliol学院禁止我进入校园（不愉快的时光）。 我当时既活跃又幼稚，非常遗憾辜负了我的导师。但我从未被“开除”，并最终在期末考试前得到改过。我还在2009年休学一年，回到中国陪伴病危的母亲。 2. 贪腐指控 我的妻子曾开玩笑地问我：“你家在海外藏的钱都在哪里？”我回答：“要是我知道就好了！”如果我们有那些财富，就不需要熬夜辛苦工作了。 当年，有数百名细致入微的调查员彻查了我们生活中的每一个细节，但他们依然没有发现所谓的“数十亿”资产。所以，如果有人知道这些钱在哪儿，请告诉官员，也告诉我！ 有人说徐明是我们家的“白手套”。确实，徐明与我们关系密切。他不仅是一个开拓性的企业家，也是一个具有洞察力的朋友，他给予我的礼物是他的智慧——这比黄金还要珍贵。我们的关系始终光明磊落。 难道每一段政治与商业的关系都非得是肮脏的吗？ 众所周知，我的母亲曾创办了北京当时最成功、最有声望的律师事务所之一。她为财富500强企业服务，是一名重要的纳税人，完全有能力支持我的生活开销。 母亲的背景无疑给了她一些优势——无论这是否公平，但她有才能支撑这一切。她是第一位在美国法庭上成功维护中国企业利益的律师，这段经历后来被写成《胜利在美国》的书籍，并改编为电视剧。 至于我自己，为了避免任何利益冲突的嫌疑，我甚至被禁止在任何营利性企业实习。父母的坠落让我摆脱了这些限制，使我能够凭借自己的能力在公开市场上竞争。经过起伏，我现在有信心在法律、金融和政策的任何“顶级联盟”中立足。 3. 父亲的三个错误 首先，我父亲认为，努力工作和简单地改善民生就足以让他成为一名好领导。他忽视了建立人际关系的重要性，尤其在一对一的沟通中表现不佳，这让他显得冷漠和傲慢。 在像中国这样幅员辽阔、复杂多样的国家，我们数千年的历史经验告诉我们，稳定是繁荣的前提，而和谐是稳定的基础。我父亲的方式缺乏和谐。 其次，我父亲相信，在人们富裕起来之后，他们需要精神上的富足。他倡导阅读东西方经典，包括卢梭和麦迪逊的作品，还组织唱响那些属于我们文化遗产的革命歌曲。 但这不受控制地演变成了一场令人恐惧的大规模运动，回到了某个令人畏惧的时代。我父亲在管理上失误了。 我们家恐怕是最痛恨“文革”的家庭之一。我父亲和他的兄弟姐妹都曾被监禁——当时我父亲才16岁。没有被关押的家人要么被流放，要么成了孤儿——我母亲在8岁时就失去了父母。 我的一个祖母被谋杀，而另一位祖母仅仅因为看到我带回家一个带有“文革”口号的袋子，就感到恶心。 第三，重庆当时腐败和黑帮势力横行，深深渗透到政府和社会各个角落。别听我说，去问任何一个重庆人。我父亲认识到，如果不先根除这些问题，就不可能发展这座城市。 尽管我坚信法治，但也明白在某些情况下，程序完整的公正方法并不可行（参见《哥谭市》）。我父亲知道他的选择只有两种：要么行动，要么不行动。 在发动反腐运动之前，他曾对我说：“如果我不与黑恶势力斗争，我该如何面对你祖父的遗训？” 那些说我父亲动机是巩固在重庆权力的人是无知的。他作为从北京派下来的市委书记，本地势力都在争相取悦他。如果我父亲随波逐流，政治上会一帆风顺。 但我父亲在领导上确实犯了错，他选择错了负责人。王立军最初以英雄警察和勇敢的罪案斗士身份出现在我们面前。但随着他的步步高升，他变得更加残忍和贪婪。 反滥用权力的运动因此演变为滥用权力的运动。王立军预见到我母亲敏锐的性格可能会干预他的行为，于是以“医学专长”和安全负责人身份为由，掌控了她的医疗团队，并通过用药削弱她的状态。 当王的罪行证据逐渐浮现时，已经为时已晚。他寻求了其他靠山，并铺好了后路，这一切最终以美领馆事件收场。 4. 母亲的清白 作为儿子，我不相信一个如此优雅和聪慧的人会采取谋杀手段。 作为知情者，我看不到任何动机。尼尔·海伍德只是一个普通朋友，对我们没有威胁。与普遍报道相反，他与我去英国或进入哈罗公学无关。实际上，我们直到我在哈罗第三年才见面，仅因为他是住在大连的一位“哈罗老校友”而被引荐。 他希望我们能帮忙解决他在中国挣扎的商业项目，尽管他因我们拒绝而感到失望，但说他因此构成威胁未免太牵强了。 相反，王对他表现出奇怪的兴趣，特意强调他的“间谍”身份（这是假的），邀请他到重庆，并安排他住在王实际上拥有的酒店，还带我母亲去拜访他…… 作为律师，我看不到我母亲有任何罪行的确凿证据——不论是一等谋杀罪还是过失杀人罪。我想问，有哪位律师会不同意？ 5. 无意参与政治竞争 与传言相反，薄氏家族与习近平家族没有历史上的冲突。习老先生去世时，我祖父为他撰写了一篇真挚的悼文。我父亲早早表态全力支持习近平，从未试图与他竞争。 我父母的入狱也与他无关。但仍有人试图将此事编成政治剧。 以上是我的简短回应——信不信由你。不提及并不意味着默认。我也欣赏外界的攻击，因为我相信，一个没有敌人的人，也不会有朋友。 我的父母仍是我最崇拜的人（还有我的妻子！）。 我曾对私下的客人这样评价我的三位亲人： “幸运的人会在妻子身上找到母亲的影子，而我在妻子身上，看到了我父亲眼中的母亲：当我沮丧时，她鼓励我；当我过于自大时，她让我清醒；当我过于激进时，她让我冷静……她还会在我打游戏太久时把我从沙发上踹起来。” ——瓜瓜**”
一般人学习大多是出于养活自己、改变命运的survival instinct，极少数是出于改变社会的理想。你觉得这些红N代算是哪种情况？ 他根本不用学，躺着就能被抬进最好的学校，被双手奉上文凭，送上工作。如果你觉得他是在西方受过教育就有真才实学，you''re being so cute. 他家虽然政治上倒台了，人脉关系还在，比韭菜还是强了太多的。
[Now in English] I had hoped to keep a low profile and to wed away from the spotlight, but the Chinese media frenzy in recent weeks, including video leaks of my nuptials taken out of context, continue to draw speculation. Over the past 12 years, my family and I have never defended ourselves in public and have instead relented to the vitriol of a misinformed public. But the resurgence of past events now oblige me to respond - briefly for now, for there’s too much to be said.
1. Personal conduct The WSJ once reported on their front page that I drove a Ferrari to pick up a controversial date. Subsequent investigations by NYT and others confirmed that these were baseless fabrications, which caused the WSJ to retract the article (discreetly, of course). True, I was a playboy and I am partial to beautiful women; but to claim that I wheeled around in Ferraris and attended restaurants in a “tux” is reminiscent of trite fantasies of a Korean soap opera. I wonder, what were the contrivances that germinated this article, with its unabashed “actual malice”; and for it to have been published at the most politically sensitive time?
There was also a claim that I was expelled from Oxford. It’s true that I barely studied in the first year. I was wont to cram essays the night before tutorials and instead prioritised running for elections at the Oxford Union - an enterprise that involved copious partying (fun times), but eventually led my college, Balliol, to ban me from campus grounds (sad times). I was hyper and immature,I deeply regret having let down my tutors. But I was never “expelled”, and was reformed in time to sit my Finals. I also took a gap year in 2009 to be back in China with my mother, who was critically ill.
2. Corruption allegations My wife jokingly asked me, where is the fortune that my family has allegedly stashed away overseas? I said, “I wish I knew!”. If we had such wealth, we wouldn’t have needed to toil away and burn the midnight oil. Back then, an army of meticulous investigators, hundreds strong, had scrutinised every scintilla of our lives, and they still didn’t turn up the alleged “billions”. So, if someone knows the whereabouts, tell the officials, and tell me too!
It has been suggested that Xu Ming was our family’s “white glove.” Indeed, Xu was close to us. He was not only a trailblazing entrepreneur, but an insightful friend whose gifts to me was his wisdom - and this is worth mountains of gold. Our relationship was always aboveboard. Must every political-business relation be sordid?
As was well known, but seems to have been forgotten, my mother founded one of the most successful and prestigious law firms in Beijing at the time. She represented Fortune 500 companies, was a major taxpayer, and was more than capable of supporting my living expenses.
My mother’s background no doubt gave her an advantage - fair or not, she had the talents to back it up. She was the first lawyer to successfully defend the interests of Chinese companies in US courts, which was popularly retold in the book and later TV series “Victory in America”.
On my part, for the sake of avoiding any semblance of a conflict of interest, I was forbidden to even intern at any for-profit business. My parents’ fall freed me from such limitations, and I was able to compete on my own merits in the open market. Through ups and downs, successes and failures, I now have the confidence to hold my own in any big league, from law to finance to policy.
3. My father’s three errors First, my father thought that hard work and simply improving the lives of the people were enough to make him a good leader. He neglected the necessity of building rapport and was particularly poor at one-on-one communication. This made him appear aloof and arrogant. In a country as big, complex, and diverse as China, our millennia-old experience has taught us that stability is the prerequisite for prosperity, and harmony is the prerequisite for stability. My father’s ways were disharmonious.
Second, my father believed that after people got rich, they need spiritual wealth. He started with advocating the reading of classics, both Eastern and Western, including the works of Rousseau and Madison, and singing rousing revolutionary songs that are part of our cultural heritage. But this snowballed into an out-of-control mass movement that harked back to a dreaded era. My father had mismanaged.
There is hardly any family that abhors the Cultural Revolution more than mine. Both my grandfathers, my father and his siblings, were imprisoned - my father was only 16. The ones not locked up were exiled or became orphans - my mother at 8. One grandmother was murdered, and the other would get nauseous from simply seeing a bag I brought home with a Cultural Revolution slogan.
Third, Chongqing was plagued by entrenched corruption and criminal syndicates that permeated government and society. Don’t take my word for it - ask anyone from Chongqing. My father realised it was impossible to develop the city without first gutting its underbelly. While I firmly believe in the rule of law, I also understand that a procedurally intact and judicious approach is not always possible (cf. Gotham City). My father knew his choice was between doing and not doing. Before he launched the campaign, he told me, “if I didn’t fight criminal gangs, how can I face your grandfather’s memory?”
Those who say that my father’s motive was to consolidate power in Chongqing, are ignorant rubes. As the Party Secretary sent down from Beijing, the local forces were all vying for his favour. Had my father played ball and gone with the flow, politically, it would have been smooth sailing.
But my father erred in his leadership, he picked the wrong person to be in charge. Wang Lijun initially appeared before us as a hero cop and daredevil crime fighter. But as he was successively promoted, he became more ruthless and power-hungry. The campaign against the abuse of power hence became a campaign of abuse.
Wang anticipated that my typically perspicacious mother would become meddlesome, so under the guise of his self-professed medical expertise and role as our security chief, he managed her medical team and administered drugs to keep her in a weakened state. By the time evidence mounted of Wang’s misdeeds, it was too late. He had sought out alternative patrons and laid the groundworks, which culminated in the showdown at the US Consulate.
4. My mother’s innocence As a son, I do not believe that someone with her grace and intelligence would resort to murder.
As an insider, I see no motive. Neil Heywood was a casual friend who posed no threat. Contrary to widely reported claims, he had nothing to do with me going to the UK or enrolling at Harrow. In fact, we only met when I was in my third year at Harrow, and was only introduced because he had the unique distinction as an “Old Harrovian” living in Dalian. He sought our help with his struggling business ventures in China, and while he was disappointed when we declined, it’s far-fetched to say he posed any threat. Wang, however, took a peculiar interest in him, went out of the way to emphasise his false “spy” credentials, invited him to Chongqing, put him at the hotel that Wang (effectively) owned, and brought my mother to visit him…
As a lawyer, I see no convincing evidence of my mother’s culpability - not first degree murder, not even manslaughter. I ask, which lawyer could disagree otherwise?
5. No ambition for political contest Contrary to rumours, the Bo and Xi families have no history of conflict. When the elder Xi passed away, my grandfather commemorated him with an effusive, heartfelt epitaph. My father had pledged his unreserved support for Xi early on and never sought to compete against him. My parents’ imprisonment also had nothing to do with him. Yet, there are still those trying to compose political drama out of it.
--- The above points are my brief response - believe or not, up to you. Omission does not imply acquiescence. I enjoy the vitriol too, for I believe a person without an enemy has no friends. My parents remain my most admired people (along with my wife!). As I said to my private guests about the trio: “Lucky men search for their mother in their wives, and I see my wife, the way that my father sees my mother: she uplifts me when I’m despondent; brings me down when I’m overbearing; and moderates me when I’m overzealous…she also kicks me off the sofa when I play games for too long.”
— Guagua
AI翻译如下
“**“我曾希望保持低调，并在远离聚光灯的情况下完婚，但中国媒体近期的狂热，尤其是被断章取义的婚礼视频泄露，继续引发外界的猜测。
过去十二年里，我和我的家人从未在公众面前为自己辩护，而是默默承受了一个被误导的公众的种种恶意。然而，近期对旧事的重提迫使我作出简短回应——目前只能简要回应，因为有太多话需要说。
1. 个人行为
《华尔街日报》曾在头版报道称，我开着法拉利接送一位备受争议的约会对象。后来，《纽约时报》和其他机构的调查证实这些都是无稽之谈，《华尔街日报》不得不悄悄地撤回文章。 的确，我曾是个“花花公子”，对美女情有独钟。但那些关于我开法拉利、穿晚礼服在高档餐厅出现的说法，只是廉价的韩剧式幻想。我想知道，这篇文章是如何凭空捏造出这些“实际恶意”的内容，并在最具政治敏感性的时刻发表的？
还有人说我被牛津大学开除。这倒是真的：我第一年几乎没怎么学习。 我经常在导师辅导前一天晚上熬夜赶论文，却将更多时间花在竞选牛津学生会主席上——这涉及大量派对（有趣的时光），但最终导致我所在的Balliol学院禁止我进入校园（不愉快的时光）。 我当时既活跃又幼稚，非常遗憾辜负了我的导师。但我从未被“开除”，并最终在期末考试前得到改过。我还在2009年休学一年，回到中国陪伴病危的母亲。
2. 贪腐指控
我的妻子曾开玩笑地问我：“你家在海外藏的钱都在哪里？”我回答：“要是我知道就好了！”如果我们有那些财富，就不需要熬夜辛苦工作了。 当年，有数百名细致入微的调查员彻查了我们生活中的每一个细节，但他们依然没有发现所谓的“数十亿”资产。所以，如果有人知道这些钱在哪儿，请告诉官员，也告诉我！
有人说徐明是我们家的“白手套”。确实，徐明与我们关系密切。他不仅是一个开拓性的企业家，也是一个具有洞察力的朋友，他给予我的礼物是他的智慧——这比黄金还要珍贵。我们的关系始终光明磊落。 难道每一段政治与商业的关系都非得是肮脏的吗？
众所周知，我的母亲曾创办了北京当时最成功、最有声望的律师事务所之一。她为财富500强企业服务，是一名重要的纳税人，完全有能力支持我的生活开销。 母亲的背景无疑给了她一些优势——无论这是否公平，但她有才能支撑这一切。她是第一位在美国法庭上成功维护中国企业利益的律师，这段经历后来被写成《胜利在美国》的书籍，并改编为电视剧。
至于我自己，为了避免任何利益冲突的嫌疑，我甚至被禁止在任何营利性企业实习。父母的坠落让我摆脱了这些限制，使我能够凭借自己的能力在公开市场上竞争。经过起伏，我现在有信心在法律、金融和政策的任何“顶级联盟”中立足。
3. 父亲的三个错误
首先，我父亲认为，努力工作和简单地改善民生就足以让他成为一名好领导。他忽视了建立人际关系的重要性，尤其在一对一的沟通中表现不佳，这让他显得冷漠和傲慢。 在像中国这样幅员辽阔、复杂多样的国家，我们数千年的历史经验告诉我们，稳定是繁荣的前提，而和谐是稳定的基础。我父亲的方式缺乏和谐。
其次，我父亲相信，在人们富裕起来之后，他们需要精神上的富足。他倡导阅读东西方经典，包括卢梭和麦迪逊的作品，还组织唱响那些属于我们文化遗产的革命歌曲。 但这不受控制地演变成了一场令人恐惧的大规模运动，回到了某个令人畏惧的时代。我父亲在管理上失误了。
我们家恐怕是最痛恨“文革”的家庭之一。我父亲和他的兄弟姐妹都曾被监禁——当时我父亲才16岁。没有被关押的家人要么被流放，要么成了孤儿——我母亲在8岁时就失去了父母。 我的一个祖母被谋杀，而另一位祖母仅仅因为看到我带回家一个带有“文革”口号的袋子，就感到恶心。
第三，重庆当时腐败和黑帮势力横行，深深渗透到政府和社会各个角落。别听我说，去问任何一个重庆人。我父亲认识到，如果不先根除这些问题，就不可能发展这座城市。 尽管我坚信法治，但也明白在某些情况下，程序完整的公正方法并不可行（参见《哥谭市》）。我父亲知道他的选择只有两种：要么行动，要么不行动。 在发动反腐运动之前，他曾对我说：“如果我不与黑恶势力斗争，我该如何面对你祖父的遗训？”
那些说我父亲动机是巩固在重庆权力的人是无知的。他作为从北京派下来的市委书记，本地势力都在争相取悦他。如果我父亲随波逐流，政治上会一帆风顺。
但我父亲在领导上确实犯了错，他选择错了负责人。王立军最初以英雄警察和勇敢的罪案斗士身份出现在我们面前。但随着他的步步高升，他变得更加残忍和贪婪。 反滥用权力的运动因此演变为滥用权力的运动。王立军预见到我母亲敏锐的性格可能会干预他的行为，于是以“医学专长”和安全负责人身份为由，掌控了她的医疗团队，并通过用药削弱她的状态。 当王的罪行证据逐渐浮现时，已经为时已晚。他寻求了其他靠山，并铺好了后路，这一切最终以美领馆事件收场。
4. 母亲的清白
作为儿子，我不相信一个如此优雅和聪慧的人会采取谋杀手段。
作为知情者，我看不到任何动机。尼尔·海伍德只是一个普通朋友，对我们没有威胁。与普遍报道相反，他与我去英国或进入哈罗公学无关。实际上，我们直到我在哈罗第三年才见面，仅因为他是住在大连的一位“哈罗老校友”而被引荐。 他希望我们能帮忙解决他在中国挣扎的商业项目，尽管他因我们拒绝而感到失望，但说他因此构成威胁未免太牵强了。 相反，王对他表现出奇怪的兴趣，特意强调他的“间谍”身份（这是假的），邀请他到重庆，并安排他住在王实际上拥有的酒店，还带我母亲去拜访他……
作为律师，我看不到我母亲有任何罪行的确凿证据——不论是一等谋杀罪还是过失杀人罪。我想问，有哪位律师会不同意？
5. 无意参与政治竞争
与传言相反，薄氏家族与习近平家族没有历史上的冲突。习老先生去世时，我祖父为他撰写了一篇真挚的悼文。我父亲早早表态全力支持习近平，从未试图与他竞争。 我父母的入狱也与他无关。但仍有人试图将此事编成政治剧。
以上是我的简短回应——信不信由你。不提及并不意味着默认。我也欣赏外界的攻击，因为我相信，一个没有敌人的人，也不会有朋友。 我的父母仍是我最崇拜的人（还有我的妻子！）。 我曾对私下的客人这样评价我的三位亲人： “幸运的人会在妻子身上找到母亲的影子，而我在妻子身上，看到了我父亲眼中的母亲：当我沮丧时，她鼓励我；当我过于自大时，她让我清醒；当我过于激进时，她让我冷静……她还会在我打游戏太久时把我从沙发上踹起来。”
——瓜瓜**”
台湾这次下了重本，不可能让他继续保持沉默
薄瓜瓜自己肯定也是不甘心，之前估计是有强有力的看护在一直提点他，现在大概是顾不上他了
但他们都想不明白, 一个撑死了算流亡前世子的身份，能咋地
薄都督有生之年还能恢复名誉重新出来工作吗？
我不禁想到最近热播的《我是刑警》里面的案子，过去几十年那些大案要案的主犯们，就是生不逢时啊。他们如果早生几十年，凭借他们的本事和胆识，参加革命，必然履历战功，最终成为久经考验的共产主义战士。他们的后代就可以合理合法名正言顺的向人民抢劫了，甚至杀人，也不会收到法律的制裁，只要政治斗争没失败。
当今圣上还正常活着的话不太可能了
你的想法有点狭隘了，你说的适用于任何社会呃，川大大或者拜大大，都会觉得杀人抢劫很正常，他们手下死的人，直接或间接，几十万都是有的。至于那些主犯，也正坐在任何一个国家的大堂中呢。
你为啥觉得薄家和谷家在国内就无人了呢？还有他们各自的世交，红三代再差也非一般商贾和地方官员能比的，台湾那点的力量还不够人家餐前的小菜够份量
人家是律师，三大名校毕业，从小出国。 这条件几个人能比 不吊打才奇怪
这个分析有道理
你看贾宝玉就挺天真，虽然贾府里人精一箩筐，从小也是在胸无大志的公子堆和女人堆里长大的，家里也没让吃一点苦，那些乱七八糟的事情也没告诉他。
这臭脚捧的。 ChatGPT 都会润色。
她妈下毒杀人他都敢否认，以及扯王立军什么下毒控制他妈，这就是赤裸裸侮辱大众智商，说明他跟他妈一样丧心病狂，他妈就是因为自己有给人下毒的黑心，所以看别人也以为别人也都下毒，他妈自己有点不舒服就诬陷别人给自己下毒
我记得他妈好象是吃冬虫夏草吃多了，导致生病了。冬虫夏草那个东西不能连续吃太多，他妈吃这个好象是从没停止过。
怎么是臭脚 都是事实啊 huaren有几个人从小接受最好的教育，出国，念过三大名校考过律师。这英语再差就没天理了。。。
这顶楼的声明，明摆着是表达他认为（是不是骗人另说）杀人是不正常的行为，他认为他妈妈这样的人不会这么做。
这是不是他真实的想法，或者这想法是不是反应了事实，另说。但这文章中看不出你说的“红N代的想法和行为是一般人理解不了的，他们觉得杀人和抢劫都是很正常的行为，是他们专有的权力，压根不是犯罪”这个问题。
所以，你这感想本身，是不是接近事实，那是另一个问题。但跟着这楼回应，确实是有点不知所云。
他说的是胡锦涛在位时的那些人。感觉西山会的人马都是薄一伙的，不知道指的是谁。但他说的是实情，连我都能看出来，王立军显然早早就被收买了，后面故意设计薄熙来的老婆出事，并“及时“通知薄熙来，这给人的感觉，显然是想控制薄熙来，而并不是拉他下马。
同期有另一个人，雷政富，好象也是薄的亲信，也是被胁迫，宁丢官不背主投降，后来被开除了。当时对这个人的胁迫，也肯定不是弄几个项目这种经济问题这么简单。恐怕是有人全面对薄的亲信策反了，只不过只有王立军最后背主反刺成功。其他人可能没有被策反成功， 或者没用得上。
英文版好太多了。中文版连通顺都没做到。
估计薄家根本没想让他走仕途。就在国外做个逍遥自在的公子哥好了，所以从小送出去，国内政治斗争太残酷。
所以英文比中文好，中文比英文差说出去都是崇洋媚外，难堪大任。而且似乎他根本不懂国内政治？还是装傻装天真？
他自己一个纨绔子弟，能懂多少。
海沃德还是英国人，他们都没喊冤叫屈的。
ai
又一个被台女坑死的
是呀，牛津，哈佛，哥伦比亚都有学位。牛津这个PPE(政经哲）果然不错。
牛津那个政经哲好像要学拉丁语。 哈佛肯尼迪政治学院的MPA项目，好像要学计量经济学。 法律文书特别枯燥晦涩，瓜瓜能学下来是不容易的。
“当王的罪行证据逐渐浮现时，已经为时已晚。他寻求了其他靠山，并铺好了后路，这一切最终以美领馆事件收场。”
不知道什么靠山会有这样大的能量。。。
这瓜娃子不会真的当成玩笑话听吧？
我就希望瓜瓜能具体说说他怎么看他妈杀海伍德有他家忠心侍卫的认证，，，
同感
就是，人家本钱不能白瞎了，有人需要流量宣传，有人需要舞台，估计双方是一拍即合
Mkm
别拿瓜瓜比宝玉了。不带这么羞辱宝玉的。
要想比红楼就比薛蟠吧，都是贵公子从富贵走向衰落。
其实瓜瓜这几天表现出来的智商情商，连大傻子薛蟠都不如。
英语世界谁知道 Korean soap opera是啥，各国都有 soap opera，他非要说高丽，歧视啊，支持韩国人来告。
一般人学习大多是出于养活自己、改变命运的survival instinct，极少数是出于改变社会的理想。你觉得这些红N代算是哪种情况？
他根本不用学，躺着就能被抬进最好的学校，被双手奉上文凭，送上工作。如果你觉得他是在西方受过教育就有真才实学，you''re being so cute. 他家虽然政治上倒台了，人脉关系还在，比韭菜还是强了太多的。
啥叫负能量？这是人民觉醒了。
搞政治的有几个是干净的呢？他当时也不大，也不在父母身边，他父母的事情应该和他无关吧。其实他也不容易啊，从人上人到被人踩的一个过程，他父母倒台时候，他那个时候也就20多岁。 我觉得大家没有必要针对他.
那可未必，他只需要给个思路，chatgpt 就可以写， 他只需要根据自己的意思再修改润色一下即可
大家怼的是他那个既得利益阶层吧
低调了这么多年，接着低调吧
忽然想起当年不是吴仪跟他爸不对头吗？ 是不是吴老太太煽动了蝴蝶效应的翅膀