美国“排华法案”会卷土重来吗 MAE NGAI 2023年12月13日 1923年，移民官员在加利福尼亚天使岛与一名被拘留者面谈。 DIGITAL PUBLIC LIBRARY OF AMERICA 上世纪50年代末，我的父母想在新泽西州北部买地盖房。但没人愿意卖给他们。一位房地产经纪人说，因为他们是中国人。 当时，在整个美国，住宅种族隔离很普遍，抵押贷款的做法也助长了这种现象，而且房地产契约中往往包含种族条款，禁止将房屋出售给黑人、犹太人和亚裔。19世纪末和20世纪初，西部各州通过了外国人土地法，禁止亚裔移民购买或租赁农业用地。这些限制的理由是为了防止被视为外来入侵者的亚裔接管美国。 现在，新的法律再次以禁止华人拥有房产为目标。上个月，在第三次辩论中，从建设美国核潜艇部队到禁止中国公民在美国购买土地，共和党总统候选人提出了各种建议。州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯夸耀说：“我禁止了中国在佛罗里达州购买土地。” 目前有一些州正在通过法律，禁止在军事设施、机场和其他关键基础设施附近向中国公民、中资企业或中国政府出售住宅、商业或农业用地，佛罗里达州只是之一。在许多州，限制也适用于来自伊朗、俄罗斯、朝鲜和其他特别关切国家的人。迄今为止，至少有15个州颁布了限制外国人拥有土地的法律，包括佛罗里达州、弗吉尼亚州、阿拉巴马州和蒙大拿州；另有大约20个州的相关法案正在审议中。其中一些已被提交到联邦层面。 对于当今版本的外国土地法，背后的理由人们都很熟悉：外国对手的个人和公司如在美国拥有财产，会对国家安全构成威胁。这些法律的支持者认为，我们的对手可能会监视军事基地，危害我们的基础设施，甚至威胁到国家的粮食供应。 今年5月，当德桑蒂斯称赞佛罗里达州的土地法案（该法案为一些住宅物业提供了豁免）是保护该州不受中国共产党侵害时，这无异于是在让公众将中国人（也可以推及所有亚裔）视为美国人在种族、地缘政治和意识形态上的敌人。在美国的华裔——包括在美国出生和归化的公民——永远不可能成为真正的美国人，因为他们天生忠于中国，这种观念已经融入美国政治100多年了。 自19世纪末以来，对黄祸的恐惧助长了整个西方针对华裔和其他亚裔的种族主义立法。除了土地法，相关法律还禁止亚裔在法庭上指证白人，与白人结婚，与白人孩子一起上学，持有职业和商业执照。最高法院支持1882年《排华法案》，即禁止华裔移民和入籍的国家政策，理由是他们构成种族危险，对国家安全构成威胁，即使美中之间并没有敌对行动。反华和反亚裔法律与非裔美国人在南北战争中获得的利益遭到逆转，以及南方《吉姆·克劳法》的出现是如出一辙的。在美国南方和西部的引领下，白人至上主义对民主的胜利一直持续到20世纪。 新的土地法是一波反华措施中的最新举措。特朗普在执政期间将新冠疫情归咎于中国和中国人民，对亚裔美国人发动了种族主义骚扰和攻击。根据2018年的“中国倡议”，美国大学的中国公民或华裔美国公民的学术科学家受到骚扰和迫害。特朗普还威胁要对中国发动关税战，建立了目前仍在实施的进口限制。如今，拜登总统似乎维持了特朗普政府将中国列为战略对手的立场，并加大了对华贸易限制。 这些措施以所谓国家安全为理由推行是很难被反对的。毕竟，我们不希望敌人监视我们的基地或炸毁机场。但这种威胁的可信度有多高？美国农业部的数据显示，外国人拥有美国约3%的私人农业财产，中国人拥有的比例不到1%。中国人拥有的农场构成的潜在威胁被过分夸大了。在另一些情况下，来自中国的威胁是捏造的——中国人是新冠病毒的受害者，而不是它的成因。 “中国倡议”最初可能出于对知识产权盗窃的合理担忧，但很快就失控了。它成为研究型大学对中国人和华裔美国教授进行种族定性的基础。根据麻省理工学院研究人员分析的案例，在“中国倡议”下针对学术科学家提起的诉讼中，没有一起显示出经济间谍活动或其他知识产权盗窃的证据。该倡议于去年撤销。尽管如此，普林斯顿大学、麻省理工学院和哈佛大学的一个团队在2021年和2022年所做的一项调查显示，72%的中国和华裔美国科学家在工作中缺乏安全感。美国华裔科学家的反向人才流失，加上申请美国大学的中国学生数量下降，可能会剥夺美国的科学人才。把中国描绘成敌人是美国当前的政治热点。它利用了人们对中国崛起为全球经济大国的焦虑，这种做法已被证明具有政治战略意义。然而，这也带来了严重的后果。 今年夏天，拜登政府对于耸动的言论有所缓和。美国财政部长耶伦呼吁，与中国的贸易关系要实行“去风险化”，而不是“脱钩”； 上个月，拜登在加州会见了习近平主席，为稳定关系迈出了一步。虽然这种降温的做法是受欢迎的，但还不够。政府不应仅仅从国家安全的角度看待同中国的交往。只要这种关联继续存在，华裔和其他亚裔美国人就会继续成为种族主义骚扰、暴力和歧视的受害者。 美国参加“二战”后，政府围捕了大约12万名日裔美国人，他们大多生活在太平洋沿岸，并被关进集中营——尽管根据军事情报，他们对国家安全没有威胁。直到1988年，美国才对拘留事件发表正式道歉。尽管最高法院在1948年削弱了房地产中的种族条款和涉外土地法，但人们想知道，在当前的法院里，大量的涉外土地法将被如何处理。 我的父母都是医生，他们在“二战”后从中国移民过来。在20世纪50年代，我的父亲在美国军队服役，并成为一名归化公民。我的父母希望全家在郊区实现美国梦。他们最终在一个种族混杂的小镇买了一套房子。他们受益于民权时代的成果，这些成果由非裔美国人赢得，也惠及了其他有色人种。我的父母在事业上都很成功，尽管他们对歧视并不陌生。如果他们今天还健在，我知道他们会担心美国的对华政策，担心美国会将我们当成靶子。 Ron DeSantis ‘Banned China From Buying Land in the State of Florida.’ How Did We Get Here? Dec. 11, 2023 GUEST ESSAY By Mae Ngai Ms. Ngai is a professor of history and Asian American studies at Columbia University. In the late 1950s, my parents tried to buy land in northern New Jersey on which to build a home. But no one would sell to them. A real estate agent said it was because they were Chinese. It was a time when, throughout the United States, residential segregation was common, supported by mortgage lending practices and often written into real estate deeds with racial covenants that forbade the sale of a home to Black people, Jews and Asians. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Western states passed alien land laws, which prohibited Asian immigrants from buying or leasing agricultural property. The rationale for these restrictions was to prevent Asians, envisioned as an alien invasion, from taking over the United States. Now new laws are targeting Chinese people from owning property again. Last month, during their third debate, G.O.P. presidential hopefuls made proposals ranging from building up America’s nuclear submarine force to forbidding Chinese nationals to buy land in the United States. Gov. Ron DeSantis boasted, “I banned China from buying land in the state of Florida.” Florida is just one of several states that are passing laws prohibiting the sale of residential, business or agricultural property to Chinese nationals, Chinese-owned companies or the Chinese government near military facilities, airports and other critical infrastructure. In many states, restrictions also apply to those from Iran, Russia, North Korea and other countries of concern. To date, at least 15 states have enacted laws restricting foreign land ownership, including Florida, Virginia, Alabama and Montana; about 20 other states have bills pending. Some have been introduced at the federal level. The rationale behind today’s version of the alien land laws is familiar: People and companies of foreign adversaries with property in the United States pose a threat to national security. Proponents of these laws argue that our adversaries might spy on military bases, endanger our infrastructure or even threaten the nation’s food supply. In May, when Mr. DeSantis lauded Florida’s land bill (which offered exemptions for some residential property) as a protection from the Chinese Communist Party, he invited the public to consider Chinese people (and by association, all Asians) to be Americans’ racial, geopolitical and ideological enemies. The notion that ethnic Chinese people in the United States — including U.S.-born and naturalized citizens — can never be true Americans because they are innately loyal to China has been baked into U.S. politics for over 100 years. Since the late 19th century, the yellow peril fear mongering fueled racist legislation throughout the West against Chinese and other Asian people. In addition to the land laws, laws excluded Asians from testifying in court against white people, from marrying white people, from attending schools with white children and from holding professional and commercial licenses. The Supreme Court upheld the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the national policy barring Chinese people from immigration and citizenship, on grounds that they were a racial danger and a threat to national security, even absent hostilities between the United States and China. The anti-Chinese and anti-Asian laws were of a piece with the reversal of Civil War gains for African Americans and the advent of Jim Crow in the South. The triumph of white supremacy over democracy, led by the South and the West, endured well into the 20th century. The new land laws are the latest in a wave of anti-Chinese measures. During his administration, Donald Trump, blaming the Covid pandemic on China and Chinese people, unleashed a firestorm of racist harassment and assaults against Asian Americans. Under 2018’s China Initiative, academic scientists at American universities who were Chinese nationals or U.S. citizens of Chinese descent were harassed and persecuted. Mr. Trump also threatened a tariff war against China, establishing import restrictions that remain in place. Today, President Biden seems to maintain the Trump administration’s designation of China as a strategic adversary and has increased trade restrictions against the nation. It’s hard to oppose the purported justification for these measures: national security. After all, we don’t want the enemy spying on our bases or blowing up airports. But how credible is the threat? Foreign nationals own about 3 percent of privately held agricultural property in the United States, and Chinese people own less than 1 percent of that, according to the Department of Agriculture. The potential threat from Chinese-owned farms is wildly exaggerated. In other cases the Chinese threat is fabricated: Chinese people were victims of the coronavirus, not its cause. The China Initiative, which might have started with a legitimate concern over intellectual property theft, soon spun out of control. It became the basis for the racial profiling of Chinese and Chinese American professors at research universities. According to the cases analyzed by researchers at M.I.T., none of those brought against academic scientists under the China Initiative revealed evidence of economic espionage or other intellectual property theft. The program was disbanded last year. Still, 72 percent of Chinese and Chinese American scientists did not feel safe in their jobs, according to a survey conducted by a team at Princeton, M.I.T. and Harvard in 2021 and 2022. A reverse brain drain from the United States of ethnic Chinese scientists, coupled with a drop in the number of Chinese students applying to American universities, threatens to deprive the United States of scientific talent. Portraying China as the enemy is the politics du jour in America. It plays on anxieties over China’s rise as a global economic power and has proved to be politically strategic. However, it has grave consequences. This summer, the Biden administration dialed back some of its bluster. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen called for “derisking,” not “decoupling,” trade relations with China; last month, Mr. Biden met with President Xi Jinping in California in a step toward stabilizing relations. While lowering the temperature is welcome, it is not enough. The administration should stop seeing trade with China solely through the prism of national security. As long as that linkage persists, Chinese and other Asian Americans will continue to be on the receiving end of racist harassment, violence and discrimination. After the United States entered World War II, the government rounded up some 120,000 Japanese Americans mostly living on the Pacific Coast and detained them in camps — even though, per military intelligence, they were no threat to national security. The United States did not issue a formal apology for the internment until 1988. And although the Supreme Court weakened racial covenants in real estate and the alien land laws in 1948, one wonders how the current spate of alien land laws would fare before the current court. My parents were physicians who emigrated from China after World War II. During the 1950s, my dad served in the U.S. Army and became a naturalized citizen. My parents wanted their family to live the American dream in the suburbs. They eventually bought a house in a mixed-race township. They benefited from gains of the civil rights era, won by African Americans and redounded to other people of color. My parents were successful in their careers, though they were not strangers to discrimination. Were my parents alive today, I know that they would be worried about the United States’ China policies and the bull’s-eye it plants on our backs.
西欧和北欧甚至南欧的华人都享受不到美华在美国被深入骨髓歧视的那种待遇哦！每每遇到美华炫耀自己收入比别的华人高时，我就想让他们想一想，印尼和越南排华时的场景，华人在当地那是非富即贵，结果男的被割小鸡鸡，女的被割乳掏肝！所以，制度好比你多几个破钱更重要, 不是吗? 美国制度不好？一点都不好, 这就是欧洲人仍视美国人为蛮夷尽管美国人只是俗不可耐的有钱暴发户, 美国对华人的态度和政策还不及现今的印尼和越南呢！美国现在是公开歧视华人，实质的排华就是下一步 "Already in Agenda"，美华们快给自己留条后路吧，赶紧弄个 Plan B
西欧和北欧甚至南欧的华人都享受不到美华在美国被深入骨髓歧视的那种待遇哦！每每遇到美华炫耀自己收入比别的华人高时，我就想让他们想一想，印尼和越南排华时的场景，华人在当地那是非富即贵，结果男的被割小鸡鸡，女的被割乳掏肝！所以，制度好比你多几个破钱更重要, 不是吗? 美国制度不好？一点都不好, 这就是欧洲人仍视美国人为蛮夷尽管美国人只是俗不可耐的有钱暴发户, 美国对华人的态度和政策还不及现今的印尼和越南呢！美国现在是公开歧视华人，实质的排华就是下一步 "Already in Agenda"，美华们快给自己留条后路吧，赶紧弄个 Plan B adorp 发表于 2023-12-15 05:21
美国“排华法案”会卷土重来吗 MAE NGAI 2023年12月13日 1923年，移民官员在加利福尼亚天使岛与一名被拘留者面谈。 DIGITAL PUBLIC LIBRARY OF AMERICA 上世纪50年代末，我的父母想在新泽西州北部买地盖房。但没人愿意卖给他们。一位房地产经纪人说，因为他们是中国人。 当时，在整个美国，住宅种族隔离很普遍，抵押贷款的做法也助长了这种现象，而且房地产契约中往往包含种族条款，禁止将房屋出售给黑人、犹太人和亚裔。19世纪末和20世纪初，西部各州通过了外国人土地法，禁止亚裔移民购买或租赁农业用地。这些限制的理由是为了防止被视为外来入侵者的亚裔接管美国。 现在，新的法律再次以禁止华人拥有房产为目标。上个月，在第三次辩论中，从建设美国核潜艇部队到禁止中国公民在美国购买土地，共和党总统候选人提出了各种建议。州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯夸耀说：“我禁止了中国在佛罗里达州购买土地。” 目前有一些州正在通过法律，禁止在军事设施、机场和其他关键基础设施附近向中国公民、中资企业或中国政府出售住宅、商业或农业用地，佛罗里达州只是之一。在许多州，限制也适用于来自伊朗、俄罗斯、朝鲜和其他特别关切国家的人。迄今为止，至少有15个州颁布了限制外国人拥有土地的法律，包括佛罗里达州、弗吉尼亚州、阿拉巴马州和蒙大拿州；另有大约20个州的相关法案正在审议中。其中一些已被提交到联邦层面。 对于当今版本的外国土地法，背后的理由人们都很熟悉：外国对手的个人和公司如在美国拥有财产，会对国家安全构成威胁。这些法律的支持者认为，我们的对手可能会监视军事基地，危害我们的基础设施，甚至威胁到国家的粮食供应。 今年5月，当德桑蒂斯称赞佛罗里达州的土地法案（该法案为一些住宅物业提供了豁免）是保护该州不受中国共产党侵害时，这无异于是在让公众将中国人（也可以推及所有亚裔）视为美国人在种族、地缘政治和意识形态上的敌人。在美国的华裔——包括在美国出生和归化的公民——永远不可能成为真正的美国人，因为他们天生忠于中国，这种观念已经融入美国政治100多年了。 自19世纪末以来，对黄祸的恐惧助长了整个西方针对华裔和其他亚裔的种族主义立法。除了土地法，相关法律还禁止亚裔在法庭上指证白人，与白人结婚，与白人孩子一起上学，持有职业和商业执照。最高法院支持1882年《排华法案》，即禁止华裔移民和入籍的国家政策，理由是他们构成种族危险，对国家安全构成威胁，即使美中之间并没有敌对行动。反华和反亚裔法律与非裔美国人在南北战争中获得的利益遭到逆转，以及南方《吉姆·克劳法》的出现是如出一辙的。在美国南方和西部的引领下，白人至上主义对民主的胜利一直持续到20世纪。 新的土地法是一波反华措施中的最新举措。特朗普在执政期间将新冠疫情归咎于中国和中国人民，对亚裔美国人发动了种族主义骚扰和攻击。根据2018年的“中国倡议”，美国大学的中国公民或华裔美国公民的学术科学家受到骚扰和迫害。特朗普还威胁要对中国发动关税战，建立了目前仍在实施的进口限制。如今，拜登总统似乎维持了特朗普政府将中国列为战略对手的立场，并加大了对华贸易限制。 这些措施以所谓国家安全为理由推行是很难被反对的。毕竟，我们不希望敌人监视我们的基地或炸毁机场。但这种威胁的可信度有多高？美国农业部的数据显示，外国人拥有美国约3%的私人农业财产，中国人拥有的比例不到1%。中国人拥有的农场构成的潜在威胁被过分夸大了。在另一些情况下，来自中国的威胁是捏造的——中国人是新冠病毒的受害者，而不是它的成因。 “中国倡议”最初可能出于对知识产权盗窃的合理担忧，但很快就失控了。它成为研究型大学对中国人和华裔美国教授进行种族定性的基础。根据麻省理工学院研究人员分析的案例，在“中国倡议”下针对学术科学家提起的诉讼中，没有一起显示出经济间谍活动或其他知识产权盗窃的证据。该倡议于去年撤销。尽管如此，普林斯顿大学、麻省理工学院和哈佛大学的一个团队在2021年和2022年所做的一项调查显示，72%的中国和华裔美国科学家在工作中缺乏安全感。美国华裔科学家的反向人才流失，加上申请美国大学的中国学生数量下降，可能会剥夺美国的科学人才。把中国描绘成敌人是美国当前的政治热点。它利用了人们对中国崛起为全球经济大国的焦虑，这种做法已被证明具有政治战略意义。然而，这也带来了严重的后果。 今年夏天，拜登政府对于耸动的言论有所缓和。美国财政部长耶伦呼吁，与中国的贸易关系要实行“去风险化”，而不是“脱钩”； 上个月，拜登在加州会见了习近平主席，为稳定关系迈出了一步。虽然这种降温的做法是受欢迎的，但还不够。政府不应仅仅从国家安全的角度看待同中国的交往。只要这种关联继续存在，华裔和其他亚裔美国人就会继续成为种族主义骚扰、暴力和歧视的受害者。 美国参加“二战”后，政府围捕了大约12万名日裔美国人，他们大多生活在太平洋沿岸，并被关进集中营——尽管根据军事情报，他们对国家安全没有威胁。直到1988年，美国才对拘留事件发表正式道歉。尽管最高法院在1948年削弱了房地产中的种族条款和涉外土地法，但人们想知道，在当前的法院里，大量的涉外土地法将被如何处理。 我的父母都是医生，他们在“二战”后从中国移民过来。在20世纪50年代，我的父亲在美国军队服役，并成为一名归化公民。我的父母希望全家在郊区实现美国梦。他们最终在一个种族混杂的小镇买了一套房子。他们受益于民权时代的成果，这些成果由非裔美国人赢得，也惠及了其他有色人种。我的父母在事业上都很成功，尽管他们对歧视并不陌生。如果他们今天还健在，我知道他们会担心美国的对华政策，担心美国会将我们当成靶子。 Ron DeSantis ‘Banned China From Buying Land in the State of Florida.’ How Did We Get Here? Dec. 11, 2023 GUEST ESSAY By Mae Ngai Ms. Ngai is a professor of history and Asian American studies at Columbia University. In the late 1950s, my parents tried to buy land in northern New Jersey on which to build a home. But no one would sell to them. A real estate agent said it was because they were Chinese. It was a time when, throughout the United States, residential segregation was common, supported by mortgage lending practices and often written into real estate deeds with racial covenants that forbade the sale of a home to Black people, Jews and Asians. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Western states passed alien land laws, which prohibited Asian immigrants from buying or leasing agricultural property. The rationale for these restrictions was to prevent Asians, envisioned as an alien invasion, from taking over the United States. Now new laws are targeting Chinese people from owning property again. Last month, during their third debate, G.O.P. presidential hopefuls made proposals ranging from building up America’s nuclear submarine force to forbidding Chinese nationals to buy land in the United States. Gov. Ron DeSantis boasted, “I banned China from buying land in the state of Florida.” Florida is just one of several states that are passing laws prohibiting the sale of residential, business or agricultural property to Chinese nationals, Chinese-owned companies or the Chinese government near military facilities, airports and other critical infrastructure. In many states, restrictions also apply to those from Iran, Russia, North Korea and other countries of concern. To date, at least 15 states have enacted laws restricting foreign land ownership, including Florida, Virginia, Alabama and Montana; about 20 other states have bills pending. Some have been introduced at the federal level. The rationale behind today’s version of the alien land laws is familiar: People and companies of foreign adversaries with property in the United States pose a threat to national security. Proponents of these laws argue that our adversaries might spy on military bases, endanger our infrastructure or even threaten the nation’s food supply. In May, when Mr. DeSantis lauded Florida’s land bill (which offered exemptions for some residential property) as a protection from the Chinese Communist Party, he invited the public to consider Chinese people (and by association, all Asians) to be Americans’ racial, geopolitical and ideological enemies. The notion that ethnic Chinese people in the United States — including U.S.-born and naturalized citizens — can never be true Americans because they are innately loyal to China has been baked into U.S. politics for over 100 years. Since the late 19th century, the yellow peril fear mongering fueled racist legislation throughout the West against Chinese and other Asian people. In addition to the land laws, laws excluded Asians from testifying in court against white people, from marrying white people, from attending schools with white children and from holding professional and commercial licenses. The Supreme Court upheld the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the national policy barring Chinese people from immigration and citizenship, on grounds that they were a racial danger and a threat to national security, even absent hostilities between the United States and China. The anti-Chinese and anti-Asian laws were of a piece with the reversal of Civil War gains for African Americans and the advent of Jim Crow in the South. The triumph of white supremacy over democracy, led by the South and the West, endured well into the 20th century. The new land laws are the latest in a wave of anti-Chinese measures. During his administration, Donald Trump, blaming the Covid pandemic on China and Chinese people, unleashed a firestorm of racist harassment and assaults against Asian Americans. Under 2018’s China Initiative, academic scientists at American universities who were Chinese nationals or U.S. citizens of Chinese descent were harassed and persecuted. Mr. Trump also threatened a tariff war against China, establishing import restrictions that remain in place. Today, President Biden seems to maintain the Trump administration’s designation of China as a strategic adversary and has increased trade restrictions against the nation. It’s hard to oppose the purported justification for these measures: national security. After all, we don’t want the enemy spying on our bases or blowing up airports. But how credible is the threat? Foreign nationals own about 3 percent of privately held agricultural property in the United States, and Chinese people own less than 1 percent of that, according to the Department of Agriculture. The potential threat from Chinese-owned farms is wildly exaggerated. In other cases the Chinese threat is fabricated: Chinese people were victims of the coronavirus, not its cause. The China Initiative, which might have started with a legitimate concern over intellectual property theft, soon spun out of control. It became the basis for the racial profiling of Chinese and Chinese American professors at research universities. According to the cases analyzed by researchers at M.I.T., none of those brought against academic scientists under the China Initiative revealed evidence of economic espionage or other intellectual property theft. The program was disbanded last year. Still, 72 percent of Chinese and Chinese American scientists did not feel safe in their jobs, according to a survey conducted by a team at Princeton, M.I.T. and Harvard in 2021 and 2022. A reverse brain drain from the United States of ethnic Chinese scientists, coupled with a drop in the number of Chinese students applying to American universities, threatens to deprive the United States of scientific talent. Portraying China as the enemy is the politics du jour in America. It plays on anxieties over China’s rise as a global economic power and has proved to be politically strategic. However, it has grave consequences. This summer, the Biden administration dialed back some of its bluster. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen called for “derisking,” not “decoupling,” trade relations with China; last month, Mr. Biden met with President Xi Jinping in California in a step toward stabilizing relations. While lowering the temperature is welcome, it is not enough. The administration should stop seeing trade with China solely through the prism of national security. As long as that linkage persists, Chinese and other Asian Americans will continue to be on the receiving end of racist harassment, violence and discrimination. After the United States entered World War II, the government rounded up some 120,000 Japanese Americans mostly living on the Pacific Coast and detained them in camps — even though, per military intelligence, they were no threat to national security. The United States did not issue a formal apology for the internment until 1988. And although the Supreme Court weakened racial covenants in real estate and the alien land laws in 1948, one wonders how the current spate of alien land laws would fare before the current court. My parents were physicians who emigrated from China after World War II. During the 1950s, my dad served in the U.S. Army and became a naturalized citizen. My parents wanted their family to live the American dream in the suburbs. They eventually bought a house in a mixed-race township. They benefited from gains of the civil rights era, won by African Americans and redounded to other people of color. My parents were successful in their careers, though they were not strangers to discrimination. Were my parents alive today, I know that they would be worried about the United States’ China policies and the bull’s-eye it plants on our backs.
15个反华人急先锋州： Idaho Montana Utah North Dakota South Dakota Oklahoma Arkansas Louisiana Mississippi Alabama Tennensee Florida Indiana West Virginia Virginia
MAE NGAI
2023年12月13日
上世纪50年代末，我的父母想在新泽西州北部买地盖房。但没人愿意卖给他们。一位房地产经纪人说，因为他们是中国人。 当时，在整个美国，住宅种族隔离很普遍，抵押贷款的做法也助长了这种现象，而且房地产契约中往往包含种族条款，禁止将房屋出售给黑人、犹太人和亚裔。19世纪末和20世纪初，西部各州通过了外国人土地法，禁止亚裔移民购买或租赁农业用地。这些限制的理由是为了防止被视为外来入侵者的亚裔接管美国。 现在，新的法律再次以禁止华人拥有房产为目标。上个月，在第三次辩论中，从建设美国核潜艇部队到禁止中国公民在美国购买土地，共和党总统候选人提出了各种建议。州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯夸耀说：“我禁止了中国在佛罗里达州购买土地。” 目前有一些州正在通过法律，禁止在军事设施、机场和其他关键基础设施附近向中国公民、中资企业或中国政府出售住宅、商业或农业用地，佛罗里达州只是之一。在许多州，限制也适用于来自伊朗、俄罗斯、朝鲜和其他特别关切国家的人。迄今为止，至少有15个州颁布了限制外国人拥有土地的法律，包括佛罗里达州、弗吉尼亚州、阿拉巴马州和蒙大拿州；另有大约20个州的相关法案正在审议中。其中一些已被提交到联邦层面。 对于当今版本的外国土地法，背后的理由人们都很熟悉：外国对手的个人和公司如在美国拥有财产，会对国家安全构成威胁。这些法律的支持者认为，我们的对手可能会监视军事基地，危害我们的基础设施，甚至威胁到国家的粮食供应。 今年5月，当德桑蒂斯称赞佛罗里达州的土地法案（该法案为一些住宅物业提供了豁免）是保护该州不受中国共产党侵害时，这无异于是在让公众将中国人（也可以推及所有亚裔）视为美国人在种族、地缘政治和意识形态上的敌人。在美国的华裔——包括在美国出生和归化的公民——永远不可能成为真正的美国人，因为他们天生忠于中国，这种观念已经融入美国政治100多年了。 自19世纪末以来，对黄祸的恐惧助长了整个西方针对华裔和其他亚裔的种族主义立法。除了土地法，相关法律还禁止亚裔在法庭上指证白人，与白人结婚，与白人孩子一起上学，持有职业和商业执照。最高法院支持1882年《排华法案》，即禁止华裔移民和入籍的国家政策，理由是他们构成种族危险，对国家安全构成威胁，即使美中之间并没有敌对行动。反华和反亚裔法律与非裔美国人在南北战争中获得的利益遭到逆转，以及南方《吉姆·克劳法》的出现是如出一辙的。在美国南方和西部的引领下，白人至上主义对民主的胜利一直持续到20世纪。 新的土地法是一波反华措施中的最新举措。特朗普在执政期间将新冠疫情归咎于中国和中国人民，对亚裔美国人发动了种族主义骚扰和攻击。根据2018年的“中国倡议”，美国大学的中国公民或华裔美国公民的学术科学家受到骚扰和迫害。特朗普还威胁要对中国发动关税战，建立了目前仍在实施的进口限制。如今，拜登总统似乎维持了特朗普政府将中国列为战略对手的立场，并加大了对华贸易限制。 这些措施以所谓国家安全为理由推行是很难被反对的。毕竟，我们不希望敌人监视我们的基地或炸毁机场。但这种威胁的可信度有多高？美国农业部的数据显示，外国人拥有美国约3%的私人农业财产，中国人拥有的比例不到1%。中国人拥有的农场构成的潜在威胁被过分夸大了。在另一些情况下，来自中国的威胁是捏造的——中国人是新冠病毒的受害者，而不是它的成因。 “中国倡议”最初可能出于对知识产权盗窃的合理担忧，但很快就失控了。它成为研究型大学对中国人和华裔美国教授进行种族定性的基础。根据麻省理工学院研究人员分析的案例，在“中国倡议”下针对学术科学家提起的诉讼中，没有一起显示出经济间谍活动或其他知识产权盗窃的证据。该倡议于去年撤销。尽管如此，普林斯顿大学、麻省理工学院和哈佛大学的一个团队在2021年和2022年所做的一项调查显示，72%的中国和华裔美国科学家在工作中缺乏安全感。美国华裔科学家的反向人才流失，加上申请美国大学的中国学生数量下降，可能会剥夺美国的科学人才。把中国描绘成敌人是美国当前的政治热点。它利用了人们对中国崛起为全球经济大国的焦虑，这种做法已被证明具有政治战略意义。然而，这也带来了严重的后果。 今年夏天，拜登政府对于耸动的言论有所缓和。美国财政部长耶伦呼吁，与中国的贸易关系要实行“去风险化”，而不是“脱钩”； 上个月，拜登在加州会见了习近平主席，为稳定关系迈出了一步。虽然这种降温的做法是受欢迎的，但还不够。政府不应仅仅从国家安全的角度看待同中国的交往。只要这种关联继续存在，华裔和其他亚裔美国人就会继续成为种族主义骚扰、暴力和歧视的受害者。 美国参加“二战”后，政府围捕了大约12万名日裔美国人，他们大多生活在太平洋沿岸，并被关进集中营——尽管根据军事情报，他们对国家安全没有威胁。直到1988年，美国才对拘留事件发表正式道歉。尽管最高法院在1948年削弱了房地产中的种族条款和涉外土地法，但人们想知道，在当前的法院里，大量的涉外土地法将被如何处理。 我的父母都是医生，他们在“二战”后从中国移民过来。在20世纪50年代，我的父亲在美国军队服役，并成为一名归化公民。我的父母希望全家在郊区实现美国梦。他们最终在一个种族混杂的小镇买了一套房子。他们受益于民权时代的成果，这些成果由非裔美国人赢得，也惠及了其他有色人种。我的父母在事业上都很成功，尽管他们对歧视并不陌生。如果他们今天还健在，我知道他们会担心美国的对华政策，担心美国会将我们当成靶子。
Ron DeSantis ‘Banned China From Buying Land in the State of Florida.’ How Did We Get Here? Dec. 11, 2023 GUEST ESSAY
By Mae Ngai Ms. Ngai is a professor of history and Asian American studies at Columbia University. In the late 1950s, my parents tried to buy land in northern New Jersey on which to build a home. But no one would sell to them. A real estate agent said it was because they were Chinese. It was a time when, throughout the United States, residential segregation was common, supported by mortgage lending practices and often written into real estate deeds with racial covenants that forbade the sale of a home to Black people, Jews and Asians. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Western states passed alien land laws, which prohibited Asian immigrants from buying or leasing agricultural property. The rationale for these restrictions was to prevent Asians, envisioned as an alien invasion, from taking over the United States. Now new laws are targeting Chinese people from owning property again. Last month, during their third debate, G.O.P. presidential hopefuls made proposals ranging from building up America’s nuclear submarine force to forbidding Chinese nationals to buy land in the United States. Gov. Ron DeSantis boasted, “I banned China from buying land in the state of Florida.” Florida is just one of several states that are passing laws prohibiting the sale of residential, business or agricultural property to Chinese nationals, Chinese-owned companies or the Chinese government near military facilities, airports and other critical infrastructure. In many states, restrictions also apply to those from Iran, Russia, North Korea and other countries of concern. To date, at least 15 states have enacted laws restricting foreign land ownership, including Florida, Virginia, Alabama and Montana; about 20 other states have bills pending. Some have been introduced at the federal level.
The rationale behind today’s version of the alien land laws is familiar: People and companies of foreign adversaries with property in the United States pose a threat to national security. Proponents of these laws argue that our adversaries might spy on military bases, endanger our infrastructure or even threaten the nation’s food supply. In May, when Mr. DeSantis lauded Florida’s land bill (which offered exemptions for some residential property) as a protection from the Chinese Communist Party, he invited the public to consider Chinese people (and by association, all Asians) to be Americans’ racial, geopolitical and ideological enemies. The notion that ethnic Chinese people in the United States — including U.S.-born and naturalized citizens — can never be true Americans because they are innately loyal to China has been baked into U.S. politics for over 100 years. Since the late 19th century, the yellow peril fear mongering fueled racist legislation throughout the West against Chinese and other Asian people. In addition to the land laws, laws excluded Asians from testifying in court against white people, from marrying white people, from attending schools with white children and from holding professional and commercial licenses. The Supreme Court upheld the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the national policy barring Chinese people from immigration and citizenship, on grounds that they were a racial danger and a threat to national security, even absent hostilities between the United States and China. The anti-Chinese and anti-Asian laws were of a piece with the reversal of Civil War gains for African Americans and the advent of Jim Crow in the South. The triumph of white supremacy over democracy, led by the South and the West, endured well into the 20th century. The new land laws are the latest in a wave of anti-Chinese measures. During his administration, Donald Trump, blaming the Covid pandemic on China and Chinese people, unleashed a firestorm of racist harassment and assaults against Asian Americans. Under 2018’s China Initiative, academic scientists at American universities who were Chinese nationals or U.S. citizens of Chinese descent were harassed and persecuted. Mr. Trump also threatened a tariff war against China, establishing import restrictions that remain in place. Today, President Biden seems to maintain the Trump administration’s designation of China as a strategic adversary and has increased trade restrictions against the nation. It’s hard to oppose the purported justification for these measures: national security. After all, we don’t want the enemy spying on our bases or blowing up airports. But how credible is the threat? Foreign nationals own about 3 percent of privately held agricultural property in the United States, and Chinese people own less than 1 percent of that, according to the Department of Agriculture. The potential threat from Chinese-owned farms is wildly exaggerated. In other cases the Chinese threat is fabricated: Chinese people were victims of the coronavirus, not its cause.
The China Initiative, which might have started with a legitimate concern over intellectual property theft, soon spun out of control. It became the basis for the racial profiling of Chinese and Chinese American professors at research universities. According to the cases analyzed by researchers at M.I.T., none of those brought against academic scientists under the China Initiative revealed evidence of economic espionage or other intellectual property theft. The program was disbanded last year. Still, 72 percent of Chinese and Chinese American scientists did not feel safe in their jobs, according to a survey conducted by a team at Princeton, M.I.T. and Harvard in 2021 and 2022. A reverse brain drain from the United States of ethnic Chinese scientists, coupled with a drop in the number of Chinese students applying to American universities, threatens to deprive the United States of scientific talent. Portraying China as the enemy is the politics du jour in America. It plays on anxieties over China’s rise as a global economic power and has proved to be politically strategic. However, it has grave consequences. This summer, the Biden administration dialed back some of its bluster. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen called for “derisking,” not “decoupling,” trade relations with China; last month, Mr. Biden met with President Xi Jinping in California in a step toward stabilizing relations. While lowering the temperature is welcome, it is not enough. The administration should stop seeing trade with China solely through the prism of national security. As long as that linkage persists, Chinese and other Asian Americans will continue to be on the receiving end of racist harassment, violence and discrimination. After the United States entered World War II, the government rounded up some 120,000 Japanese Americans mostly living on the Pacific Coast and detained them in camps — even though, per military intelligence, they were no threat to national security. The United States did not issue a formal apology for the internment until 1988. And although the Supreme Court weakened racial covenants in real estate and the alien land laws in 1948, one wonders how the current spate of alien land laws would fare before the current court. My parents were physicians who emigrated from China after World War II. During the 1950s, my dad served in the U.S. Army and became a naturalized citizen. My parents wanted their family to live the American dream in the suburbs. They eventually bought a house in a mixed-race township. They benefited from gains of the civil rights era, won by African Americans and redounded to other people of color. My parents were successful in their careers, though they were not strangers to discrimination. Were my parents alive today, I know that they would be worried about the United States’ China policies and the bull’s-eye it plants on our backs.
不是Desantis 收了中国公司的钱吗？反华只是他的工作而已。
作者是哥大的教授，研究美国华人与历史，性别：女。
又来了，不惠及亚裔的话你现在坐车只能坐后面，孩子不能去正常公校（更不用说什么顶私了），上班上大学也没什么可以挑的。买房也没有你的份 德州上次不准中国人买房的议会听证会上有一个80多岁的华裔前女共和党议员（她也是德州第一位亚裔女议员），发表演说，说自己小时候因为不允许亚裔买住宅，他们全家住在自己的杂货店的储藏间里。但即使这样也比她出生的路易斯安那州好，因为那里亚裔和非裔都是去特殊学校，条件非常差，也没有什么教育可言。
不知道你是出于何种目的，但是还有点良知的话，就请不要在这里混淆视听了，亚裔只是不算是underrepresented minorities 而已，怎么就不是有色人种了？就算你把自己等同于白人，也要先问问在白人眼里你算不算吧？ 还有，不知道你点出作者是哥大教授，研究美国华人与历史，性别是女，是为何意？是想说不自恨就不配代表你这样的华人，研究华人历史吗？
层主难道不知道白人定义的有色人种，是除白人外的所有其他人，亚裔不属于白人，自然也归类有色人种。
那位层主说的是，平权运动早把亚裔从有色人种定义里剔除了，并没有说亚裔是白人。亚裔两头都被排挤。
你想说啥？
即便所谓白左的研究中，也认为虽然亚裔很多时候不算underrepresented，但成因复杂并不等于亚裔在职场中没有受压制而且在很多方面地区也underrepresented，所以不能一概而论。 曾遇到一共和党华人，坚持华人不是underrepresented 也不是overrepresented 也不是normal，就很奇怪。
是啊，真的需要的
所以亚裔要自己争取自己的利益，不能鸵鸟甘愿两头受挤
其实更希望有美华写出同类文章，发表在美国主流媒体，为自己发声
今时今日有色人种这个“保护伞”看着觉得形同虚设了，纠结定义没有太大意义。佛罗里达的事虽说针对中国，但会波及亚裔造成大面积歧视，既没有白人也没有别的少数族裔站出来说句公道话。
另外很感谢这些为自己族裔发声的人。
更奇葩的是帮着制定这些法案为其站台的是亚裔。。。
还有的洗么？入籍的大概率都符合一年以上中国教育这条吧，某些自称保守的共和党前中国人甚至出国前是ccp呢，小孩从小到大回国总计也不能超过一年吧（上个课外培训班也算training 哦），真不信自己没被当人看？
很多今年摇摆州转成的红州的亚裔，还没完全看清大局。要等三五年后看清了可能也来不及了。他们应该去看看比fl更早转红的某些州里发生了什么。
为这种法案站台的亚裔，不存在什么没看清大局的问题。这种法案直接针对中国人，敌意满满。你只要曾经当过中国人，就不可能感受不到其中的敌意。
所以为这种法案站台的人，要么就是确实与中国人没有关系（比如，日裔韩裔。。。），要么就是自己觉得与中国人没有关系（这个什么人都可能，毕竟是“自己”觉得）。但他们显然是认同并且支持这种敌意的。
至于这法案是不是间接会影响到“没有关系的”亚裔，对他们来说不是个大事儿。
同学 已经开始了
佛州最知名的那个华人共和党参政者、打下高院AA案件的重要华人成员，就是大陆来的啊，他还有很多大陆华人拥趸。佛州和最近开始疯狂右转的几个州的华人，仍真心实意觉得他们的敌人是民主党。
认为这个法案不体现对中国人的敌意的人，那是睁眼说瞎话。
但有的人可以规避这个问题。
比如，可以觉得自己和中国人没关系，所以敌意牵涉不到自己身上。。。 也可以找各种理由说明这个敌意有理，你就该被敌意对待。。。 或者，觉得这和其他的事情相比不那么重要。。。
人各有志，咱没办法。
裤子大的，现在还在和忙着监督哈弗的教育公平呢。
到这时候都看不清的。。。以后不会看清了
应该不是看不清，好不容易混到州议员，换道前功尽弃，为一己之利宁当睁眼瞎。
桑提子还不是最大的浪，让我们继续看下去
这不是有病么 等全美佛州化了 教育再公平也没华人的份
这种带明显种族歧视的州立法，是不是联邦最高法院也无权过问？如何阻止实施？美华需要尽快团结起来想对策并行动，维护自身利益，否则全美都效仿就太迟了。
联邦最高法院？跟他们不是一伙的？
?上个照片看看,所以你是白的吗?
这个细节敲定了吗. 那基本美华及其二代可以跟FL的实验室包括NASA道别了。。。。
那也只能这样了。。。反正我的想法就是尽量enjoy生活，不要孩子，和好人结交，有事能跑就跑，保持灵活机动，别的不想太多
那种人, 只有排华法案 通过,
自己被法案暴击之后,才会后悔.
比如之前在youtube做节目支持乌克兰的王吉贤. 被乌克兰安全局抓了之后,
在监狱里 不知道经历过什么折磨,出来就变了. 想做个不谈政治的普通人
西欧和北欧甚至南欧的华人都享受不到美华在美国被深入骨髓歧视的那种待遇哦！每每遇到美华炫耀自己收入比别的华人高时，我就想让他们想一想，印尼和越南排华时的场景，华人在当地那是非富即贵，结果男的被割小鸡鸡，女的被割乳掏肝！所以，制度好比你多几个破钱更重要, 不是吗?
美国制度不好？一点都不好, 这就是欧洲人仍视美国人为蛮夷尽管美国人只是俗不可耐的有钱暴发户, 美国对华人的态度和政策还不及现今的印尼和越南呢！美国现在是公开歧视华人，实质的排华就是下一步 "Already in Agenda"，美华们快给自己留条后路吧，赶紧弄个 Plan B
可惜没有多少美华意识到其严重性，还沉迷于美国收入高，房子大等层面，不想刀已架脖子上了。
有什么可惜的 别人还没意识到 不就让你捷足先登了吗 等别人意识到了 你有别人跑得快吗
你自己要先留好后路呀 不要光提醒别人忘了自己
对呀 所以你要赶快留啊 不然慢了就被人把后路抢了
其实我觉得为此站台的日裔韩裔也很蠢 中国人被排挤了以后 日韩就能独善其身？大街上的白人没几个人分得清日本人韩国人中国人甚至蒙古人和东南亚人
同意
害，看楼里某些发言，就知道人各有命。 在美国待了十几年，最近一两年的气氛是真不对了。
华人现在美国的处境类比的是二战前在德国的犹太人，在美国的日本人。你说他们为啥不反抗呢，是不是也得类比成一团散沙?
我一直有说不要跑路要抗争
美华是来挣钱的，不是来抗争的
首先要唤起美华对此法案实施后果的重视，才有可能团结起来游行示威抗争。
虽说是佛州美华首当其冲是受害者，谁又能保证没跟进呢，可这贴还不如八卦，吃瓜关注度高，也难怪美华处处被排挤。
说摇摆州不都是指从红变蓝吗？还有从蓝变红的？
不是这一两年。三四年前就开始了。当时我就说了。。。就是人各有命，自己管好自己。不过美国很大，每个州的自主权很大。我还是相信美国的制度不会出现一动员全国干某件事情的情况。大部分美国人还是理智的，只不过现在有些州的政治被底层过不下去的人把持了，抢一波是很有可能的。
你规定的？
我觉得华人这个群体很奇怪。比如说口罩时期很多人一边骂中国一边买空美国口罩寄回中国。。。
我现在反而觉得我和很多美国华人除了属于同一种族，说同一语言（有的甚至语言还不通），别的没什么可以related，所以华人发生什么也不关我事，只要别影响我就行了。
别的事情可以这么说，但反华却是上下一心，毫无争议。
我不觉得。我以前也有过担心，但在蓝州亚裔太多了。。。绝大部分人是友好的和理智的。。。
先在兰州窝着，洪州兰州之间有时间差。兰州也尽量不要在红区带着
一旦洪州出现大规模排华，在兰州还有时间变卖家产啥的，然后跑路
比如diamond bar 的华人，把人家小姑娘撞翻了啪啪pg 开走了
然后其他很多送孩子上学的华人家长，目睹整个事件，接着送孩子上学，很友好的
当年美国本土日裔进集中营，夏威夷却没有，因为人太多了。。。而让美国人对日裔产生不信任情绪的反而是夏威夷的日裔
有些东西没法说清的。我的感觉是蓝州不会有太大事。纽约犹太人和黑人很多，加州墨西哥裔很多，遇到族裔冲突有色人种不会站白人的，谁也不傻，这次站了白人下次就是自己的族裔，川普把这个表演的很清楚了，从hispanic到黑人到华人轮流攻击一遍，除了犹太人他不敢攻击。。。所以蓝州多交税就像保护费一样，我从来不抱怨这个。
就是美华不抗议呀，所以肆无忌惮，如果开始就抗议游行，起码不能说杜绝，但再说要考虑一下。
人多，哪怕不怀好意的人，冲着你手里的选票，也得来迎合你的诉求。当你statistically insignificant 时，就真不行。
上次大选最快翻红的那个州，曾经是蓝州。
日裔韩裔不会为这种恶法站台的。某些台湾裔和某些大法子弟，因为对中国政府的仇恨压制了理智，我不是不同情他们，但这么做实在是引火烧身，威胁亚裔在美国的共同利益。
我感觉是以为只要自己最优秀最有钱那就能被刮目相看，绝对安全。
谁敢啊，你要敢“代表”华人去说话，说的她们不满意了，那是要冲上去指着你凭啥代表我？！你省状元奥赛冠军吗，你大藤读博了吗，你包裹过贫困县了吗，你是手下100人的导演吗，缺一条件你不配代表华人。
我反正现在不想太多，反正我在国内不会要孩子，在美国也不会要孩子，covid时期最明显，自己吃饱全家不愁，所以别人说这个那个我最多参与一下讨论，实际上我觉得和我没太大关系。。。
多出去走走就发现世界很大。。。从事业角度考虑美国是最好的，但什么也比不上自己的安全和快乐重要
不好意思，层主何来此言？哪句话有你表达的意思？美国可有针对他们的歧视法案？但针对华人却有。
哈哈哈哈，何止不敢代表，还要离远一点。。。
我不明白flg那么仇视中国干什么。。。tw可以理解，一个cult闲的。。。
哪里能找到这15个和20个州名？
层主打开纽约时报中文版链接，https://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20231213/chinese-people-property-sale/直接点蓝色的15个州就出PDF文本（https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB11013）
排华又怎么样，不影响我们晒工资 lol
15个反华人急先锋州：
Idaho Montana Utah North Dakota South Dakota Oklahoma Arkansas Louisiana Mississippi Alabama Tennensee Florida Indiana West Virginia Virginia