WSJ社论，帮着刷了一下 100 Years of Chinese Communism The Party’s reliance on fervent nationalism is a danger to global freedom and democracy. By The Editorial Board June 30, 2021 6:36 pm ET A woman takes a photo of a flower installation marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party of China in Beijing, June 21. PHOTO: TINGSHU WANG/REUTERS The Chinese Communist Party will celebrate its 100th anniversary on July 1 with fireworks and nationalist fervor, but it is no occasion for joy. The Party retains its iron grip on power, and it now poses the leading threat to global freedom and democracy. Note that we are referring here to the Party, not the Chinese people. They are not the same. The 95 million Party members have special privileges and rule over 1.4 billion by the threat of arrest and ruin for dissent. “In the east, west, south, and north, the party leads,” Party chief and Chinese President Xi Jinping once said, echoing founder Mao Zedong. *** The most important fact never to forget is the Party’s murderous history. The Communists retreated to Yenan in the 1930s and let the Chinese nationalists under Chiang Kai-shek do most of the fighting against Japan in World War II. Mao then won the civil war in 1949 and proceeded like all Communists to purge opponents and take total control. What followed were the bloodiest decades in world history, rivaled only by Stalin’s purges. The Great Leap Forward led to mass famine. In the Cultural Revolution, Mao unleashed the Red Guards to torment anyone suspected of disloyalty or bourgeois tendencies. Millions were banished to the countryside, and over the Mao years unknown millions of Chinese died. After Mao’s death, Deng Xiaoping won a power struggle and began the free-market reforms that have produced China’s fantastic economic growth. For a time, social and political controls eased. But the Party has never relinquished power, and in 1989 Deng crushed the democratic uprising in Tiananmen Square. China still censors even the word Tiananmen on search engines, often with the acquiescence of Western tech companies. For a time, China tried to face up to Mao’s mayhem. In 1981 the Party published an official document that laid responsibility for the “grave ‘Left’ error of the ‘cultural revolution’” directly on Mao. Yet the Great Helmsman’s portrait continues to preside over Tiananmen Square in Beijing, and criticism of Mao’s thought is no longer tolerated under Comrade Xi. Lacking democratic legitimacy, the Party maintains power with a mix of nationalism and economic prosperity. China’s rise to become the world’s second largest economy, thanks to an open world trading system, has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty and is understandably a source of national pride. So is China’s growing role on the world stage. Party propaganda these days stresses China’s return to its rightful place in world affairs after centuries of alleged exploitation by foreigners. But the Party’s ultimate means of control is fear. Under Mr. Xi, the government has less tolerance for dissent than any time since Mao. It uses the tools of the surveillance state to stifle contrary voices on anything that challenges the Party line. Early truth-tellers in Wuhan had to be rounded up, and pandemic secrets covered up. Beijing’s new “social-credit” system that offers privileges based on conformity to state plans is the definition of Orwellian. The reeducation and work camps for the Uyghurs and the repudiation of its treaty promise of autonomy to Hong Kong show how much the Party fears its own people—and how little it cares about outside criticism. *** The threat to the world depends on how this combination of Communism and nationalism asserts itself in the years ahead. The signs are not good—from its border clashes with India, its takeover of islands in the South China Sea, its Belt and Road initiative that burdens poor countries with debt, and its brazen cyber theft of U.S. intellectual property and secrets. Perhaps most troubling, the Party is trying to export its censorship to free societies. Witness its economic warfare against Australia for seeking an independent probe into the origins of Covid-19. Or its demand that foreigners stay mum on Taiwan and Hong Kong or risk economic punishment. The strategy has worked against Disney and the NBA. The risks for the Party is that all of this is producing a global backlash. Western powers have banned Huawei from telecom networks. How to respond to Chinese aggression was front and center at the G-7 leadership discussions. Western companies are increasingly wary of the risks of business in China, despite its huge market, and a bipartisan consensus in the U.S. now believes the Party seeks regional, and perhaps global, dominance. But the biggest risks for China’s ruling Communists are internal: a rapidly aging population while tens of millions remain poor, a huge debt overhang, political control that blocks more economic reform, and public expectations for continued prosperity. Once unleashed as in China, nationalist fervor can also be hard to control. Will the Party and Mr. Xi, like Tojo’s Japan in 1941, tempt fate with aggression that risks a disastrous war? The great imponderable about this 100th anniversary is how China would have fared had Chiang defeated Mao. The democracy and prosperity of Taiwan offer the best evidence for this counter-factual. Alas, we must cope with a Communist Party that is the gravest risk to the democratic world since the U.S.S.R. WSJ Opinion: Was Milton Friedman Wrong on China? Main Street: If Joe Biden intends to outcompete Beijing, surely Milton Friedman still offers a more compelling model than simply copying the government-directed approach of Xi Jinping. Images: AP/Getty Images Composite: Mark Kelly Appeared in the July 1, 2021, print edition.
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党是牛，前一阵刚好看到早期党组织成员的各种罗曼史，发现都是特殊材料做成的，其中对一奇女子李一纯印象深刻，看来国民政府当时宣传的共产共妻也不是空穴来风。
甩的一米😂
哈哈哈，支持👍🏻
刷了，国内的朋友无所谓。国外的凡是刷屏的都划在“脑残”组里。
🛋️ 沙发板凳
一開朋友圈，江山一片紅，比過年還熱鬧
不知道他們到底是要完成任務，還是由衷之言
哈哈哈哈，這個昭和十六年太妙了
論壇上還有一堆人在摩拳擦掌準備出兵的
我挺为我国内的亲戚们自豪的，没有一个刷红的！
赞昭和十六年
我在想我把这句话发到朋友圈上会这样
哈！你这厉害！😆
在我们那这种人叫 甩子。
求解释，放狗搜了一下是太平洋战争？啥含义？
我也差不多是1/4。其中有两个人在群里说他们是交作业
退休了的老头老太貌似刷的不多，都是在工作的人使劲刷。连一个民主党派的同学，从来不发朋友圈的，也一连发了好几个红屏 然后美国这边的做国内生意的人，比如代购啊，留学中介啊，房产经纪之类的，也都发了红图
这个。。。 其实中国做的挺不错的，国内的人高兴也是正常的
但这个呆美国的邻居如果跑金门大桥拉个英文写的横幅翻译一下，那还是勇气可嘉的，祝福她
对，感觉智商不太行，都不好意思怼她
这倒是不需要什么勇气，就是奔了个寂寞
亲戚好些中青代的在北京搞艺术的，以前时不时发微信，这次特别安静🤫。
热脸贴了这么多年，终于看透是个冷屁股了
100 Years of Chinese Communism The Party’s reliance on fervent nationalism is a danger to global freedom and democracy. By The Editorial Board June 30, 2021 6:36 pm ET
The Chinese Communist Party will celebrate its 100th anniversary on July 1 with fireworks and nationalist fervor, but it is no occasion for joy. The Party retains its iron grip on power, and it now poses the leading threat to global freedom and democracy.
Note that we are referring here to the Party, not the Chinese people. They are not the same. The 95 million Party members have special privileges and rule over 1.4 billion by the threat of arrest and ruin for dissent. “In the east, west, south, and north, the party leads,” Party chief and Chinese President Xi Jinping once said, echoing founder Mao Zedong. *** The most important fact never to forget is the Party’s murderous history. The Communists retreated to Yenan in the 1930s and let the Chinese nationalists under Chiang Kai-shek do most of the fighting against Japan in World War II. Mao then won the civil war in 1949 and proceeded like all Communists to purge opponents and take total control.
What followed were the bloodiest decades in world history, rivaled only by Stalin’s purges. The Great Leap Forward led to mass famine. In the Cultural Revolution, Mao unleashed the Red Guards to torment anyone suspected of disloyalty or bourgeois tendencies. Millions were banished to the countryside, and over the Mao years unknown millions of Chinese died.
After Mao’s death, Deng Xiaoping won a power struggle and began the free-market reforms that have produced China’s fantastic economic growth. For a time, social and political controls eased. But the Party has never relinquished power, and in 1989 Deng crushed the democratic uprising in Tiananmen Square. China still censors even the word Tiananmen on search engines, often with the acquiescence of Western tech companies.
For a time, China tried to face up to Mao’s mayhem. In 1981 the Party published an official document that laid responsibility for the “grave ‘Left’ error of the ‘cultural revolution’” directly on Mao. Yet the Great Helmsman’s portrait continues to preside over Tiananmen Square in Beijing, and criticism of Mao’s thought is no longer tolerated under Comrade Xi.
Lacking democratic legitimacy, the Party maintains power with a mix of nationalism and economic prosperity. China’s rise to become the world’s second largest economy, thanks to an open world trading system, has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty and is understandably a source of national pride. So is China’s growing role on the world stage. Party propaganda these days stresses China’s return to its rightful place in world affairs after centuries of alleged exploitation by foreigners.
But the Party’s ultimate means of control is fear. Under Mr. Xi, the government has less tolerance for dissent than any time since Mao. It uses the tools of the surveillance state to stifle contrary voices on anything that challenges the Party line. Early truth-tellers in Wuhan had to be rounded up, and pandemic secrets covered up. Beijing’s new “social-credit” system that offers privileges based on conformity to state plans is the definition of Orwellian. The reeducation and work camps for the Uyghurs and the repudiation of its treaty promise of autonomy to Hong Kong show how much the Party fears its own people—and how little it cares about outside criticism.
*** The threat to the world depends on how this combination of Communism and nationalism asserts itself in the years ahead. The signs are not good—from its border clashes with India, its takeover of islands in the South China Sea, its Belt and Road initiative that burdens poor countries with debt, and its brazen cyber theft of U.S. intellectual property and secrets.
Perhaps most troubling, the Party is trying to export its censorship to free societies. Witness its economic warfare against Australia for seeking an independent probe into the origins of Covid-19. Or its demand that foreigners stay mum on Taiwan and Hong Kong or risk economic punishment. The strategy has worked against Disney and the NBA.
The risks for the Party is that all of this is producing a global backlash. Western powers have banned Huawei from telecom networks. How to respond to Chinese aggression was front and center at the G-7 leadership discussions. Western companies are increasingly wary of the risks of business in China, despite its huge market, and a bipartisan consensus in the U.S. now believes the Party seeks regional, and perhaps global, dominance.
But the biggest risks for China’s ruling Communists are internal: a rapidly aging population while tens of millions remain poor, a huge debt overhang, political control that blocks more economic reform, and public expectations for continued prosperity. Once unleashed as in China, nationalist fervor can also be hard to control. Will the Party and Mr. Xi, like Tojo’s Japan in 1941, tempt fate with aggression that risks a disastrous war?
The great imponderable about this 100th anniversary is how China would have fared had Chiang defeated Mao. The democracy and prosperity of Taiwan offer the best evidence for this counter-factual. Alas, we must cope with a Communist Party that is the gravest risk to the democratic world since the U.S.S.R.
Main Street: If Joe Biden intends to outcompete Beijing, surely Milton Friedman still offers a more compelling model than simply copying the government-directed approach of Xi Jinping. Images: AP/Getty Images Composite: Mark Kelly
Appeared in the July 1, 2021, print edition.
私企和开公司的没人发。
她们的目标客户群或者粉丝群都是国内的人啊，就跟我说的留学中介，海外投资，海外代购一类的，为了争取客户好感，都发了
🤝，我的朋友圈也没有一个刷红的，庆幸不认得那些弱智的人
这是你的国内亲戚混得不好或者不在体制内？但凡在企事业单位当领导的肯定要发圈刷红啊。
为什么我朋友圈里还有几个海外党发这个 真是无语
没人提 什么共匪党
大家心里都极其讨厌这种土匪和垃圾的国家
德国这里没一个提
德国电视台天天放的就是中国的污染, 剥削, 没有人权
哈哈哈
国外的朋友圈只有一个发了，不过那人一向乐于参加灵馆组织的各种活动
对比一下新冠之前的国庆阅兵，朋友圈还是不少海外的转发的
真的是 我正想吐槽 朋友圈全红了 全是转发视频和红旗。我都无语了
哈哈哈哈 干得好
国内的基本上都红了 美国的目前只看到两个
你这个是今日最佳！
亲戚在国内还凑合吧，时不时在各新闻里露脸什么的，比如有在娱乐圈和影视圈获X奖的。
是不是在外面冠冕堂皇的发圈，我不知道。反正在亲戚朋友的私人圈挺安静的，只发点家常里短的东西。。。没亲戚刷红我的朋友圈。。
疫情之前还好，疫情之后好不容易躲在亚裔政治正确下面，你去旧金山地盘上拉个横幅庆祝，担心安全不是开玩笑的
关键这位女的同龄人，读书的时候就是出名的低智商，勉强混个初中毕业，现在在帮人看店，日薪不够买斤牛肉（因为她专门截屏感谢老板发工资），她在那里说强国有我，特别搞笑，作为一名干瘪青黄不接的韭菜，党妈都嫌弃好不好！
真爱国才不应该发呢吧
在美国 好好关心美国 华人人权 黑人问题 枪支问题 为美国 出力 出策 不要老是关心与你无关的国家。 谢谢！
我在美国炒股，哪个股票赚了，我还发张那公司CEO照片感谢一下呢
我是看到别人发了，我也发了，嗯，从众心理。 俺就是一普通人，不像华人大妈都是美若天仙特立独行。
党员是不是有任务不知道，非党员就是跟风，总比在论坛或朋友圈划胖好。
是呀，这类的估计很多国内买家客户的。诸如留学中介，海外投资，房产经纪，海外代购
非红即黑，非黑即白的人，倒是应该清理一下的。
那估计是把你屏蔽了，朋友圈有分组功能，可能你在家庭组或者海外组而已。你家亲戚是情商高，不来恶心你。别的行业就算了，尤其娱乐圈的公众人物一个一个都要公开喊话的，越红越要公开表忠心，不公开喊话的一定是不够红。
不可能 没有gcd就没有中国，gcd已经打散了所有成规模的自生组织，绑架了整个中国。 gcd没了，现在意义上的中国概念肯定就解体了，至少疆藏台肯定就不属于中国了，能保住汉地十八省的完整建制就不错了。搞不好就伊斯兰化了。 现实情况就是gcd=中国
你就想当然吧。。呵呵。。
脑补一个后，不对，又脑补一个。。都不好意思说你。。
气数将尽，就等着下一个美籍华人孙文去推翻后清啦