前几天看见楼主分享的无神论的伪装，周末正好看到现任AG Bill Barr 的发言，这个发言同样是一个message，和楼主的message 一样consistent。 发言比较长，大家可以慢慢读，关于自由，关于伪装，关于自我修正系统的摧毁，以及 principles 达到自由的彼岸。 Barr 也是一个上帝派来的使者吧，很多事情在他重新加入历史的舞台后，有重大的改观。 最后，我对于上帝的这个实验很有信心，这个信心在于从我自身的成长得出来的，我们这些出身在中国的教育体系里的人，可以被这些message召唤，能够读懂上帝给与人的自由的召唤，并且乐于实践和传播，这个本身是自由意志的实验结果，也就是证明了实验可以成功，我们每追求自由召唤的人，都是一个种子，都会生根发芽，特别感谢互联网时代。 因为字数限制，必须分成两部分 ==================== 司法部长William P. Barr在Notre Dame大学法学院和de Nicola伦理文化中心的讲话 South Bend, IN 印第安纳，South Bend ~ Friday, October 11, 2019 2019年10月11日，周五 Thank you, Tom, for you kind introduction. Bill and Roger, it’s great to be with you. Tom，谢谢你的热心介绍。Bill，Roger，很高兴和你们在一起。 Thank you to the Notre Dame Law School and the de Nicola Center for Ethics and Culture for graciously extending an invitation to address you today. I’ d also like to express gratitude to Tony de Nicola, whose generous support has shaped – and continues to shape – countless minds through examination of the Catholic moral and intellectual tradition. 也谢谢Notre Dame法学院和de Nicola伦理文化中心。是你们大方的邀请，我才可以在 今天跟大家讲话。我也要感谢Tony de Nicola，是他慷慨资助，邀我们检视基督信仰的 道德和智慧传统。这已经，也将要，塑造无数人的思想。 Today, I would like to share some thoughts with you about religious liberty in America. It’s an important priority in this Administration and for this Department of Justice. 今天，我要跟大家分享关于在美国宗教自由的想法。在本届政府，在这个司法部，这是 一项重要的优先任务。 We have set up a task force within the Department in which different components that have equities in “”this area including the Solicitor General’s Office, the Civil Division, the Office of Legal Counsel, and other offices. We have regular meetings. We keep an eye out for cases or events around the country where states are misapplying the Establishment Clause in a way that discriminates against people of faith, or cases where states adopt laws that impinge upon the free exercise of religion. 我们已经在司法部里设立了特别的工作组，不同的部门都有参与，包括副部长办公室， 民事部，法律顾问办公室和其它办公室。我们有定期的会议。我们关注全国发生的案例 和事件，防止各州滥用政教分离条款，歧视信仰人士，或是州立法妨害宗教的自由行使。 From the Founding Era onward, there was strong consensus about the centrality of religious liberty in the United States. 自从立国的时代以来，宗教自由的中心地位，一直是美国的强烈共识。 The imperative of protecting religious freedom was not just a nod in the direction of piety. It reflects the Framers’ belief that religion was indispensable to sustaining our free system of government. 保障宗教自由的法律，不只是向着敬虔方向点头认同。法律表明的，是构国者们的信念 ，就是宗教在我们的自由政府体系中，不可分割。 In his renowned 1785 pamphlet, “Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments,” James Madison described religious liberty as “a right towards men” but “a duty towards the Creator,” and a “duty….precedent both in order of time and degree of obligation, to the claims of Civil Society.” 在著名的1785年传单《宗教评估的实情和反对》中，James Madison说宗教自由“对人 ，是权利”，但是“对创造主，是责任”，并且“这个责任，在时间上，在义务的程度 上，是应当被援引的前例，应用于后来文明社会的诉求。” It has been over 230 years since that small group of colonial lawyers led a Revolution and launched what they viewed as a great experiment, establishing a society fundamentally different than those that had gone before. 这一小群殖民地律师领导了独立革命，发起了他们心中的大实验，建立了和以往任何政 治形态都本质不同的社会。这距离今天，已经超过230年。 They crafted a magnificent Charter of Freedom – the United States Constitution – which provides for limited government, while leaving “the People” broadly at liberty to pursue our lives both as individuals and through free associations. 他们设计了伟大的自由宪章，就是美国宪法。这宪法限制的是政府，却将广泛的自由留 给“人民”，让我们以独立的个人或自由的分群，活出我们的生命追求。 This quantum leap in liberty has been the mainspring of unprecedented human progress, not only for Americans, but for people around the world. 这是自由的量子跃迁，是发条，已经推动了史无前例的人类进步，不只是美国人，更是 全世界的所有人。 In the 20th century, our form of free society faced a severe test. 在20世纪，我们自由社会的制度，面临过严重的考验。 There had always been the question whether a democracy so solicitous of individual freedom could stand up against a regimented totalitarian state. 那时有一直不断的疑问——这样一个关注个人自由的民主制度，到底能不能抵挡纪律严 格的极权国家？ That question was answered with a resounding “yes” as the United States stood up against and defeated, first fascism, and then communism. 这个问题的回答，是响亮的“能”。因为美国抵挡了，并且战胜了，先是法西斯，后来 是共产主义。 But in the 21st century, we face an entirely different kind of challenge.但是在这21世纪，我们面对的是完全不同的挑战。 The challenge we face is precisely what the Founding Fathers foresaw would be our supreme test as a free society.我们面对的挑战，正是国父们预见的，那是对我们这个自由社会的终极考验。 They never thought the main danger to the Republic came from external foes. The central question was whether, over the long haul, we could handle freedom. The question was whether the citizens in such a free society could maintain the moral discipline and virtue necessary for the survival of free institutions. 他们从来不认为外部敌人会成为共和制度的最大危险。关键的问题，不是经年累月之后 的我们，还能不能处理自由。问题是，在这样自由社会里的公民们，能不能保持道德的 操守与品质——那才是自由社会存活的必需。 By and large, the Founding generation’s view of human nature was drawn from the Classical Christian tradition. 一般说来，国父一代对人性的观念，来源于经典的基督传统。 These practical Statesmen understood that individuals, while having the potential for great good, also had the capacity for great evil. 这些务实的政治人物理解，每个人，虽有可能行出极大的善，亦有可能行出极大的恶。 Men are subject to powerful passions and appetites, and, if unrestrained, are capable of ruthlessly riding roughshod over their neighbors and the community at large. 人，受情绪和喜好的强大影响。如果不受约束，人有能力残酷无情地欺侮他人，伤害社 区。 No society can exist without some means for restraining individual rapacity. 如果没有方法约束个人的贪欲，没有社会能够长存。 But, if you rely on the coercive power of government to impose restraints, this will inevitably lead to a government that is too controlling, and you will end up with no liberty, just tyranny.但是，如果你依赖政府的强制力量来强加这约束，不可避免地将导致控制过分的政府。 最终，你将失去自由，只剩下暴政。 On the other hand, unless you have some effective restraint, you end up with something equally dangerous – licentiousness – the unbridled pursuit of personal appetites at the expense of the common good. This is just another form of tyranny – where the individual is enslaved by his appetites, and the possibility of any healthy community life crumbles. 另一方面，除非你有什么有效的约束，不然最终你得到的，是同样危险的结局——就是 混乱的邪荡，就是不顾公益的无节制的私欲追求。这不过是另一种样子的暴政——各人 被自己的私欲所奴役，建立健康的社区根本没有可能。 Edmund Burke summed up this point in his typically colorful language: Edmund Burke以他多彩的语言这样归纳： “Men are qualified for civil liberty, in exact proportion to their disposition to put chains upon their appetites….Society cannot exits unless a controlling power be placed somewhere; and the less of it there is within , the more there must be without. It is ordained in the eternal constitution of things that men intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters.”“人享受文明自由的资格，是和他们锁住自己私欲的素质成精确比例的……社会无法存 在，除非有约束的力量存在。而且，里面的越少，外面的必然越多。心无节制，人无自 由，这是永恒的命定。人的感性，铸就了他们的枷锁。” So the Founders decided to take a gamble. They called it a great experiment.就这样，国父们决心赌一场，他们称之为大实验。 They would leave “the People” broad liberty, limit the coercive power of the government, and place their trust in self-discipline and virtue of the American people.他们将给予“人民”广泛的自由，限制政府的强制力量。他们的信心，在于美国人民的 自律和美德。 In the words of Madison, “We have staked our future on the ability of each of us to govern ourselves…” 用Madison的话说，“我们是将我们的未来，赌在我们每个人管理自己的能力上了……” This is really what was meant by “self-government.” It did not mean primarily the mechanics by which we select a representative legislative body . It referred to the capacity of each individual to restrain and govern themselves.这就是“自治”的真正意义。“自治”的根本，不在于我们选择民意代表组成立法机构 的这个机制。“自治”，是说每一个个人约束自己，管理自己的能力。 But what was the source of this internal controlling power? In a free Republic those restraints could not be handed down from above by philosopher kings. 但这内在的约束力，源自何处？在一个自由的共和社会里，那些约束不可能自上而下， 由智慧君王发布施行。 Instead, social order must flow up from the people themselves – freely obeying the dictates of inwardly-possessed and commonly-shared moral values. And to control willful human beings, with and infinite capacity to rationalize, those moral values must rest on authority independent of men’s will – they must flow from a transcendent Supreme Being. 相反的，社会秩序必须自下而上，由人民自己发起——自发地遵守内有的和共有的道德 价值。随心所欲的人类，有无穷的能力合理化任何行为。要管理这样的人，这些道德价 值必须建立在独立于人的意志的权柄之上——它们必须源自超乎一切的至高者。 In short, in the Framers’ view, free government was only suitable and sustainable for a religious people – a people who recognized that there was a transcendent moral order antecedent to both the state and manmade law and who had the discipline to control themselves according to those enduring principles. 简单说，在构国者的眼中，自由政府只适用，也只适合于有宗教信仰的人民——要承认 存在超乎一切的道德秩序，它超越国家，超越人订的法律。这样的人民才有自律，才会 依据永恒不变的原则，管理他们自己。
As John Adams put it: “We have no government armed with the power which is capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion . Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate for the government of any other.” 如John Adams所言：“我们的政府，没有被授予权力，没有能力和无道德无信仰的人性 斗争。我们的宪法，只为有道德有信仰的人民设立。这样的政府，完全不能用来治理其 他样子的人。” As Father John Courtney Murray observed, the American tenet was not that: 正像神父John Courtney Murray所看见的，美国的信条不是那样： “Free government is inevitable, only that it is possible, and that its possibility can be realized only when the people as a whole are inwardly governed by the recognized imperatives of the universal moral order.” “只有当人民作为整体，能够承认普遍的道德秩序，并且内在地遵从这秩序的管理，自 由政府才可能产生，才可以实现，并且是不可避免。” How does religion promote the moral discipline and virtue needed to support free government? 这支持自由政府的道德自律和德行，是怎么由宗教信仰促成的呢？ First, it gives us the right rules to live by. The Founding generation were Christians. They believed that the Judeo-Christian moral system corresponds to the true nature of man. Those moral precepts start with the Two Great Commandments – to Love God with your whole heart, soul and mind; and to Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself. 首先，宗教给我们正确的生活规范。建国的一代是基督徒。他们相信的犹太-基督道德 系统，和真正的人性一致。那些道德规范，起于两条最大的诫命——尽心，尽意，尽力 地爱神；还有，爱邻如己。 But they also include the guidance of Natural Law – a real, transcendent moral order which flows from God’s eternal law – the Divine wisdom by which the whole Creation is ordered. The eternal law is impressed upon, and reflected in, all created things.但他们也接受了自然律的指导——一个真正的超越的道德律，是源于上帝的永恒律法。 是属神的智慧，确定了一切创造的秩序。这永恒的律法，印记在所有被造之物，也显明 于所有被造之物。 From the nature of things we can, through reason, experience, discern standards of right and wrong that exist independent of human will. 从这被造之物的属性，我们可以藉着理性，经验，分辨出对与错的标准。这标准，是独 立于人类意志的存在。 Modern secularists dismiss this idea of morality as other worldly- superstition imposed by a kill-joy clergy. In fact, Judeo-Christian moral standards are the ultimate utilitarian rules for human conduct. 现代的世俗主义者，轻看道德的思想，视之为无趣教士所强加的另一世界里的迷信。而 事实上，犹太-基督的道德标准，才是人类行为的最实用法则。 They reflect the rules that are best for man, not in the by and by, but in the here and now. They are like God’s instruction manual for the best running of man and human society.这些道德，是对人类最好的法则——不是越来越好，而是在这里，在现在，就是最好的 。它们就好比上帝所写的使用手册，教人类和人类社会如何最好地运行。 By the same token, violations of these moral laws have bad, real-world consequences for man and society. We may not pay the price immediately, but over time the harm is real.同理，违反这些道德法则，对人类和社会有恶劣真实的后果。我们可能不会立即遭报， 但时间一长，伤害必然。 Religion helps promote moral discipline within society. Because man is fallen, we don’t automatically conform ourselves to moral rules even when we know they are good for us. 宗教信仰有助促进社会内部的道德自律。因为人是堕落的，我们不会自动地遵从道德法 则，即便我们知道那是对我们好。 But religion helps teach, train, and habituate people to want what is good. It does not do this primarily by formal laws – that is, through coercion. It does this through moral education and by informing society’s informal rules – its customs and traditions which reflect the wisdom and experience of the ages. 但是宗教信仰有助教导，训练，让人习惯地渴慕良善。正式的法律，不是主要的倚靠。 就是说，不是通过强迫。是通过道德的教育，告知这社会的非正式规则——就是映着智 慧和千年经验的习俗和传统。 In other words, religion helps frame moral culture within society that instills and reinforces moral discipline. 换句话说，宗教信仰有助构建社会里的道德文化，将道德自律注入并加固。 I think we all recognize that over the past 50 years religion has been under increasing attack.我想大家都承认，在过去五十年里，宗教信仰受到了越来越强烈的攻击。 On the one hand, we have seen the steady erosion of our traditional Judeo- Christian moral system and a comprehensive effort to drive it from the public square. 一方面，我们看见了我们的传统犹太-基督道德体系不断地受侵蚀，有全面的行动，要 将这信仰从公共场所逐出。 On the other hand, we see the growing ascendancy of secularism and the doctrine of moral relativism. 而另一面，我们看见世俗主义和道德相对论的越发兴盛。 By any honest assessment, the consequences of this moral upheaval have been grim. 无论怎样的真实评估来看，这场道德动乱的后果，已经严峻。 Virtually every measure of social pathology continues to gain ground. 实际上，每一种社会病都在继续蔓延，不断扩散。 In 1965, the illegitimacy rate was eight percent. In 1992, when I was last Attorney General, it was 25 percent. Today it is over 40 percent. In many of our large urban areas, it is around 70 percent. 在1965年，非婚生育率在百分之八。在1992年，我上次作司法部长的时候，是25%。今 天，是超过40%。在我们的许多大都市地区，这个数字在70%左右。 Along with the wreckage of the family, we are see record levels of depression and mental illness, dispirited young people, soaring suicide rates, increasing numbers of angry and alienated young males, an increase in senseless violence, and a deadly drug epidemic.随着家庭的破碎，我们看见创纪录的抑郁和精神疾病，消沉的年轻人，彪涨的自杀率， 不断增多的心怀忿忿与人疏远的年轻男性，无意义犯罪的增长，和致命的毒品流行。 As you all know, over 70,000 people die a year from drug overdoses. That is more causalities in a year than we experienced during the entire Vietnam War. 你们都知道的，一年有超过七万人死于毒品的用药过量。这一年的死亡数字，就超过整 个越南战争的。 I will not dwell on all the bitter results of new secular age. Suffice it to say that the campaign to destroy the traditional moral order has brought with it immense suffering, wreckage, and misery. And yet, the forces secularism, ignoring these tragic results, press on with even greater militancy. 这个新世俗时代的苦楚，我不再多说。摧毁我们传统道德秩序的战役，已经带来了苦难 ，破碎和悲惨。可是，世俗主义的力量，无视这些悲剧后果，还在更加凶猛地进攻。 Among these militant secularists are many so-called “progressives.” But where is the progress?在这些世俗主义战士里面，许多人自称是“进步主义者”。但进步在哪里呀？ We are told we are living in a post-Christian era. But what has replaced the Judeo-Christian moral system? What is it that can fill the spiritual void in the hearts of the individual person? And, what is a system of values that can sustain human social life? 我们被告知，我们正生活在一个后基督信仰的时代。但是取代犹太-基督道德系统的是 什么呢？可以填充每个人心中属灵空洞的，是什么呢？可以维系人类社会生命的价值系 统，又是什么呢？ The fact is that no secular creed has emerged capable of performing the role of religion.事实，是根本没有出现什么世俗的信条，能够扮演宗教信仰的角色。 Scholarship suggests that religion has been integral to the development and thriving of homo sapiens since we emerged roughly 50,000 years ago. It is just for the past few hundred years we have experimented in living without religion. 有学者提出，自人类约五万年前出现，宗教信仰就是智人发展和繁荣的关键。仅仅在最 近几百年，我们才试验过无宗教生活。 We hear much today about our humane values. But, in the final analysis, what undergirds these values? What commands our adherence to them? 我们今天听到许多，关于我们的人本价值。但是，从根本上看，是什么在支撑这些价值 ？是什么，命令我们坚持这种价值？ What we call values today is really nothing more than mere sentimentality, still drawing on the vapor trails of Christianity. 我们今天称为价值的，实际不过是情绪而已，不过是基督信仰飞过，残存在后的一带水 汽。 Now, there have been times and places where the traditional moral order has been shaken. 现在，在有些时候，有些地方，传统道德秩序已经被动摇了。 In the past, societies – like the human body – seem to have a self-healing mechanism – a self-correcting mechanism that gets things back on course if things go too far. 过去，社会如同人体一样，仿佛有种自愈的机制，就是自我纠正的方法，可以偏离不远 就又重回正轨。 The consequences of moral chaos become too pressing. The opinion of decent people rebels. They coalesce and rally against obvious excess. Periods of moral entrenchment follow periods of excess. 道德混乱的后果，太过严重。正常人的意见就能反弹。他们联合，聚集，对抗这明显的 过激。过头一阵子之后，就又是道德坚固的一段时间。 This is the idea of the pendulum. We have all thought that after a while the “pendulum will swing back.” 这就是钟摆的说法。我们都曾以为，过一阵子，“钟摆还会回来。” But today we face something different that may mean that we cannot count on the pendulum swinging back.但是今天，我们面对的不再一样，有可能，我们不能再依赖钟摆自己回来。 First is the force, fervor, and comprehensiveness of the assault on religion we are experiencing today. This is not decay; it is organized destruction. Secularists, and their allies among the “progressives,” have marshalled all the force of mass communications, popular culture, the entertainment industry, and academia in an unremitting assault on religion and traditional values.首先，我们今天经历的，对宗教信仰的攻击，更有力，更狂热，更全面。不再是不堪一 击，而是有组织的破坏。世俗主义者和他们在“进步主义者”里面的盟友，已经动用了 在大众传媒，流行文化，娱乐工业和学术界的所有力量，不间断地攻击宗教信仰和传统 价值。 These instruments are used not only to affirmatively promote secular orthodoxy, but also drown out and silence opposing voices, and to attack viciously and hold up to ridicule any dissenters. 这些工具，不光是用来宣扬世俗观念，更用于淹没和消除反对的声音，要凶狠地攻击和 嘲弄任何反对者。 One of the ironies, as some have observed, is that the secular project has itself become a religion, pursued with religious fervor. It is taking on all the trappings of a religion – including inquisitions and excommunication.其中很讽刺的一点，有些人已经看见，就是这个世俗化的工程自己，已经成了一个宗教 ，以宗教狂热推行。它抓来的，是宗教的所有外表特征，包括裁判所和革除制度。 Those who defy the creed risk a figurative burning at the stake – social, educational, and professional ostracism and exclusion waged through lawsuits and savage social-media campaigns. 那些反对教条者的代价，就如同在火柱上受刑——在社会上，教育上，职业上被排斥， 被剥夺，饱受诉讼和社交媒体上的斗争。 The pervasiveness and power of our high-tech popular culture fuels apostasy in another way. It provides an unprecedented degree of distraction. 我们高科技流行文化，无处不在，力量强大，又以另一方式添油。这就是最大限度地分 散注意。 Part of the human condition is that there are big questions that should stare us in the face. Are we created or are we purely material accidents? Does our life have any meaning or purpose? But, as Blaise Pascal observed, instead of grappling with these questions, humans can be easily distracted from thinking about the “final things.” 人类的景况，就是总有一些大问题扑面而来。我们是被创造的，还是单纯的物质随机事 件？我们的生命有意义吗，有目的吗？但就像Blaise Pascal看见的，人，不在这些问 题里深思，却很轻易地被转移了注意，不再思考这些“终极问题”。 Indeed, we now live in the age of distraction where we can envelop ourselves in a world of digital stimulation and universal connectivity. And we have almost limitless ways of indulging all our physical appetites.是的，我们现在生活在一个干扰的世代。我们可以把自己包裹在一个充满数字刺激和普 遍互联的世界里。我们也有近乎无限的方法，满足所有的感官享受。 There is another modern phenomenon that suppresses society’s self- corrective mechanisms – that make it harder for society to restore itself. 还有另一个现代现象，也压抑了社会的自我纠正机制，使社会更难自我复原。 In the past, when societies are threatened by moral chaos, the overall social costs of licentiousness and irresponsible personal conduct becomes so high that society ultimately recoils and reevaluates the path they are on.
过去，当社会被道德沦丧威胁之时，放纵和不负责的个人行为是要让全社会承受代价的 。这代价高昂，以致全社会最终都对这样的行为深恶痛绝，进而对社会政策重新估量。 But today – in the face of all the increasing pathologies – instead of addressing the underlying cause, we have the State in the role of Alleviator of Bad Consequences. We call on the State to mitigate the social costs of personal misconduct and irresponsibility. 但是今天呢，面对着所有这些病变，不是来治疗根本的病因，我们有国家来扮演恶果减 痛器。分明是个人的错误行为和不负责任带来了后果，我们却召唤国家，来减轻些社会 代价。 So the reaction to growing illegitimacy is not sexual responsibility, but abortion.所以，对非婚生育的反应，不是性爱负责，而是堕胎。 The reaction to drug addiction is safe injection sites.对毒品成瘾的反应，是安全注射点。 The solution to the breakdown of the family is for the State to set itself up as the ersatz husband for single mothers and the ersatz father to their children.家庭解体的解决方法，是把国家变成单亲妈妈的代老公，变成他们孩子的代父亲。 The call comes for more and more social programs to deal with the wreckage. While we think we are solving problems, we are underwriting them. 召唤而来的，就是越来越多的社会保障项目，来处理残骸。我们以为自己在解决问题， 但实际却是对这些事情表示了认同。 We start with an untrammeled freedom and we end up as dependents of a coercive state on whom we depend.我们起初拥有的，是不羁的自由，最终却成为，依附者。我们依赖的，是一个强权政府。 Interestingly, this idea of the State as the alleviator of bad consequences has given rise to a new moral system that goes hand-in-hand with the secularization of society. It can be called the system of “macro-morality. ” It is in some ways an inversion of Christian morality. 有意思的是，这个国家让成为恶果减痛器的思想，带来了一套新的道德系统，与社会的 世俗化携手而至。可以称之为“宏观道德”的系统。在一些方面，它是跟基督道德相对 的。 Christianity teaches a micro-morality. We transform the world by focusing on our own personal morality and transformation. 基督信仰教导的，是一个微观道德。我们改变世界，是藉着专注于我们自己个人的道德 和自我更新。 The new secular religion teaches macro-morality. One’s morality is not gauged by their private conduct, but rather on their commitment to political causes and collective action to address social problems.这个新的世俗宗教，教导的是宏观道德。一个人的道德，不是由自己私下的行为来衡量 ，而是看他们对政治诉求的委身，和在社会问题上的集体行为。 This system allows us to not worry so much about the strictures on our private lives, while we find salvation on the picket line. We can signal our finely tuned moral sensibilities by demonstrating for this cause or that. 这套系统里，我们不用太关注我们私生活的限制，我们的救赎是在纠察线上。我们在这 个那个议题上表态，就可以精调我们的道德水准。 Something happened recently that crystalized the difference between these moral systems. I was attending Mass at parish I did not usually go to in Washington, D.C. At the end of Mass, the Chairman of the Social Justice Committee got up to give his report to the parish. He pointed to the growing homeless problem in D.C. and explained that more mobile soup kitchens were needed to feed them. This being a Catholic church I expected him to call for volunteers to go out and provide this need. Instead, he recounted all the visits that the Committee had made to the D.C. government to lobby for higher taxes and more spending to fund mobile soup kitchen.最近发生的一件事，就明显是这两种道德系统的分别。有一个在华盛顿DC，我不经常去 的教区，我在那里参加弥撒。在弥撒结束的时候，社会公益委员会的主席上来，把他的 报告提交给教区。他指明DC有越来越重的街头流浪问题，说明需要更多的流动厨房。这 是个天主教会，所以我以为他是要号召志愿者，来补足这需要。相反的，他述说了这个 委员会如何一次次去DC政府游说，申请更高税收，争取支持流动厨房的更多拨款。 A third phenomenon which makes it difficult for the pendulum to swing back is the way law is being used as a battering ram to break down traditional moral values and to establish moral relativism as a new orthodoxy. 让这钟摆难以回摆的第三个现象，是法律被当作攻城锤，用来撞碎传统道德价值，要建 立道德相对主义，作新的正统思想。 Law is being used as weapon in a couple of ways.法律作武器，有这么几种用法。 First, either through legislation but more frequently through judicial interpretation, secularists have been continually seeking to eliminate laws that reflect traditional moral norms. 首先，世俗主义者通过立法，或者更经常的，是通过司法解释，不断地寻找消灭反映传 统道德规范的法律。 At first, this involved rolling back laws that prohibited certain kinds of conduct. Thus, the watershed decision legalizing abortion. And since then, the legalization of euthanasia. The list goes on. 起初，是废除禁止某些行为的法律。因此，有了堕胎合法化这个分水岭的判决。从那以 后，还有安乐死的合法化。这清单还在继续。 More recently, we have seen the law used aggressively to force religious people and entities to subscribe to practices and policies that are antithetical to their faith.近些时候，我们已经看见法律被用于强迫宗教个人和团体，遵行违反他们信仰的规定和 政策。 The problem is not that religion is being forced on others. The problem is that irreligion and secular values are being forced on people of faith.问题就在这里——不是宗教被强加于人。是无宗教和世俗价值，被强加于有信仰的人。 This reminds me of how some Roman emperors could not leave their loyal Christian subjects in peace but would mandate that they violate their conscience by offering religious sacrifice to the Emperor as a God. 这让我想到一些罗马皇帝，不愿让忠心的基督徒得享安宁，非命令他们违反自己的良知 ，将皇帝作上帝敬拜，献上祭物。 Similarly, militant secularists today do not have a live and let live spirit -- they are not content to leave religious people alone to practice their faith. Instead they seem to take a delight in compelling people to violate their conscience. 相似的，今天的世俗主义战士们，自己没有又活又让人活的灵，却看不惯有宗教的人们 可以行使他们的信仰。他们好像欢喜逼迫别人违反自己的良知。 For example, the last Administration sought to force religious employers, including Catholic religious orders, to violate their sincerely held religious views by funding contraceptive and abortifacient coverage in their health plans. Similarly, California has sought to require pro-life pregnancy centers to provide notices of abortion rights. 比如说，上一届政府，逼着有宗教信仰的雇主，包括天主教的宗教团体，违背他们真心 的宗教观念，逼他们在医疗保障中购买避孕和堕胎保险。相似的，加利福尼亚已经规定 ，反堕胎的孕妇中心，必须张贴宣扬堕胎权利的布告。 This refusal to accommodate the free exercise of religion is relatively recent. Just 25 years ago, there was broad consensus in our society that our laws should accommodate religious belief. 这样拒绝保障宗教自由的行为，是相对最近才有的。就在25年前，我们社会的广泛共识 ，还是我们的法律应当保障宗教信仰。 In 1993 Congress passed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act – RFRA. The purpose of the statute was to promote maximum accommodation to religion when the government adopted broad policies that could impinge on religious practice. 在1993年，国会通过了《宗教自由恢复法》（RFRA）。这立法的目的，就是在政策太宽 ，妨害宗教行为的时候，要最大限度地保障宗教。 At the time, RFRA was not controversial: it was introduced by Chuck Schumer with 170 cosponsors in the House, and was introduced by Ted Kennedy and Orrin Hatch with 59 additional cosponsors in the Senate. It passed by voice vote in the House and by a vote of 97-3 in the Senate. 在那时候，RFRA并不是争议立法。是Chuck Schumer提的议案，在众院有170位议员连署 ，在参院，由Ted Kennedy和Orrin Hatch动议，再加59位连署。在众院，是口头表决通 过的。在参院，是97票对3票。 Recently, as the process of secularization has accelerated, RFRA has come under assault, and the idea of religious accommodation has fallen out of favor. 最近呢，随着世俗化进程的加速，RFRA已经受到攻击。保障宗教的思想已经失宠。 Because this Administration firmly supports accommodation of religion, the battleground has shifted to the states. Some state governments are now attempting to compel religious individuals and entities to subscribe to practices, or to espouse viewpoints, that are incompatible with their religion. 因为这届政府坚定地支持保障宗教信仰，战场已经转移到各州政府。有的州政府现在正 试图强迫宗教个人和团体遵守规范，拥护违背他们信仰的观念。 Ground zero for these attacks on religion are the schools. To me, this is the most serious challenge to religious liberty. 这些对宗教攻击的中心，就是学校。对我来说，这是对宗教自由的最严重挑战。 For anyone who has a religious faith, by far the most important part of exercising that faith is the teaching of that religion to our children. The passing on of the faith. There is no greater gift we can give our children and no greater expression of love.对任何一个有宗教信仰的人，行使信仰的最最重要部分，就是将这宗教教导给我们的孩 子们。这是我们信仰的传承。对我们的孩子，我们给不出什么比这更大的礼物，也表达 不了什么比这更大的爱。 For the government to interfere in that process is a monstrous invasion of religious liberty. 政府在这事情上干预，是对宗教自由的最惊骇侵犯。 Yet here is where the battle is being joined, and I see the secularists are attacking on three fronts. 但这里，就是接战的地方。我看见世俗主义者们进攻的三处阵线。 The first front relates to the content of public school curriculum. Many states are adopting curriculum that is incompatible with traditional religious principles according to which parents are attempting to raise their children. They often do so without any opt out for religious families. 第一处阵线，是公立学校的教学大纲。许多州正在采用的教学大纲，违背了传统宗教的 原则，违背了家长们试图教给他们孩子的那些原则。这些州常常不给有宗教信仰的家庭 提供任何退出的选项。 Thus, for example, New Jersey, recently passed a law requiring public schools to adopt an LGBT curriculum that many feel is inconsistent with traditional Christian teaching. Similar laws have been passed in California and Illinois. And the Orange County Board of Education in California issued an opinion that “parents who disagree with the instructional materials related to gender, gender identity, gender expression and sexual orientation may not excuse their children from this instruction.” 例如，新泽西州最近通过了法律，要求公立学校接受LGBT的教学，许多人都明白这不合 传统基督信仰的教导。类似的法律，已经在加利福尼亚和伊利诺伊通过。加州的橙县教 育局发布了意见，“不认同有关性别，性身份，性表达和性取向的教学材料的家长，不 允许拒绝自己的孩子们接受这样的教导。” Indeed, in some cases, the schools may not even warn parents about lessons they plan to teach on controversial subjects relating to sexual behavior and relationships. 实际上，在有些案例中，学校订了计划，教导关于性行为和性关系的争议话题，甚至根 本不用预先向家长提警。 This puts parents who dissent from the secular orthodoxy to a difficult choice: Try to scrape together the money for private school or home schooling, or allow their children to be inculcated with messages that they fundamentally reject. 这让不认同世俗观念的家长们面临困难选择：竭力凑钱上私立学校或家庭教导，还是容 许他们的孩子们接受灌输自己根本摒弃的信息。 A second axis of attack in the realm of education are state policies designed to starve religious schools of generally available funds and encouraging students to choose secular options. Montana, for example, created a program that provided tax credits to those who donated to a scholarship program that underprivileged students could use to attend private school. The point of the program was to provide greater parental and student choice in education and to provide better educations to needy youth. 在教育领域的第二串攻击，是特别设计的政策，要剥夺资金，饿死有宗教信仰的学校， 鼓励学生们选择世俗的学校。例如蒙大拿州，他们设立了一个法规，以税收减免鼓励大 家捐款给一个奖学金，资助贫困学生进入私立学校。目的，本是让家长和学生有更多的 教育选择，也让有需要的青少年得到更好教育。 But Montana expressly excluded religiously-affiliated private schools from the program. And when that exclusion was challenged in court by parents who wanted to use the scholarships to attend a nondenominational Christian school, the Montana Supreme Court required the State to eliminate the program rather than allow parents to use scholarships for religious schools. 但是蒙大拿州明白地将有宗教背景的私立学校排除在外。家长们在法庭挑战这个偏心的 规定，要求使用这奖学金，入读一个无宗派的基督教学校。这时候，蒙大拿法庭要求州 政府废除这个项目，而不是允许家长使用奖学金，在有宗教信仰的学校中入学。 It justified this action by pointing to a provision in Montana’s State Constitution commonly referred to as a “Blaine Amendment.” Blaine Amendments were passed at a time of rampant anti-Catholic animus in this country, and typically disqualify religious institutions from receiving any direct or indirect payments from a State’s funds. 法院的解释，是依据蒙大拿州宪法中的一条“Blaine修正案”。Blaine修正案通过的年 代，这个国家正广泛地仇视天主教，禁止宗教机构直接或间接地获得联邦政府的资金。 The case is now in the Supreme Court, and we filed a brief explaining why Montana’s Blaine Amendment violates the First Amendment. 这个案子现在最高法院。我们发了案情简报，解释为何蒙大拿的Blaine修正案违反了第 一修正案。 A third kind of assault on religious freedom in education have been recent efforts to use state laws to force religious schools to adhere to secular orthodoxy. For example, right here in Indiana, a teacher sued the Catholic Archbishop of Indianapolis for directing the Catholic schools within his diocese that they could not employ teachers in same-sex marriages because the example of those same-sex marriages would undermine the schools’ teaching on the Catholic view of marriage and complementarity between the sexes. 在教育上对宗教自由的第三种攻击，是最近的州法滥用，强迫宗教学校遵守世俗教条。 举例来说，就在印第安纳这里，有教师起诉了印第安纳波利斯的大主教，因他指示自己 教区的天主教学校，不得雇佣同性婚姻的教师。因为这些同性婚姻的示范，将伤害学校 教导婚姻和两性互补的天主教信仰。 This lawsuit clearly infringes the First Amendment rights of the Archdiocese , by interfering both with its expressive association and with its church autonomy. The Department of Justice filed a statement of interest in the state court making these points, and we hope that the state court will soon dismiss the case. 这个诉讼明显违反了大主教的第一修正案权利，干预了结社的自由和教会的自治。司法 部向州法院发了关注声明，提出了这几点意见。我们盼望州法庭快快地驳回诉讼。 Taken together, these cases paint a disturbing picture. We see the state requiring local public schools to insert themselves into contentious social debates, without regard for the religious views of their students or parents . In effect, these states are requiring local communities to make their public schools inhospitable to families with traditional religious values; those families are implicitly told that they should conform or leave. 放在一起来看，这些诉讼绘出的，是另人不安的画面。我们看见州政府强迫地方公立学 校卷入社会争论议题，无视学生和家长们的宗教观。结果，这些州迫使地方社区，对传 统宗教价值的家庭关闭了公立学校的大门。隐隐地告诉这些家庭，要么服从，要么离开。 At the same time, pressure is placed on religious schools to abandon their religious convictions. Simply because of their religious character, they are starved of funds – students who would otherwise choose to attend them are told they may only receive scholarships if they turn their sights elsewhere. 另一边，压力也加给宗教学校，要他们弃绝他们的宗教信仰。仅仅因为他们的宗教背景 ，他们就被剥夺了经费。本来要选择这些学校的学生们，被告知奖学金只为其它学校预 备。 Simultaneously, they are threatened in tort – and, eventually, will undoubtedly be threatened with denial of accreditation – if they adhere to their religious character. If these measures are successful, those with religious convictions will become still more marginalized. 同时，这些学校受违约的威胁。如果他们还坚持自己的宗教信仰，最终，还将面临取消 认证的威胁。如果这些计谋得逞，那些有宗教信仰的学校，将要更加边缘化了。 I do not mean to suggest that there is no hope for moral renewal in our country. 我不是说，我们国家的道德复兴再无指望了。、 But we cannot sit back and just hope the pendulum is going to swing back toward sanity.但我们不能靠后坐等，指望钟摆还会自动再摆回理智的方向。 As Catholics, we are committed to the Judeo-Christian values that have made this country great. 作为天主教徒，我们坚守的是犹太-基督的价值。这个价值，曾经让这个国家伟大。 And we know that the first thing we have to do to promote renewal is to ensure that we are putting our principles into practice in our own personal private lives.并且我们知道，我们要促成复兴的头等必需，是我们要将我们的原则，操练在自己个人 的生命里。 We understand that only by transforming ourselves can we transform the world beyond ourselves.我们懂得，只有更新我们自己，我们才能更新我们以外的世界。 This is tough work. It is hard to resist the constant seductions of our contemporary society. This is where we need grace, prayer, and the help of our church. 这是艰难的工作。抵挡现代社会的不断诱惑，是困难的。在这里，我们需要恩典，祷告 ，和教会的帮助。 Beyond this, we must place greater emphasis on the moral education of our children. 此外，我们必须更加强对我们孩子的道德教育。 Education is not vocational training. It is leading our children to the recognition that there is truth and helping them develop the facilities to discernand love the truth and the discipline to live by it.教育，不是职业训练。是带领我们的孩童，教他们认识这世界有真理存在，是帮助他们 培育出能力，可以分辨真理，热爱真理，建立自律，按着真理生活。 We cannot have a moral renaissance unless we succeed in passing to the next generation our faith and values in full vigor. 我们不可能有道德的复兴，除非我们成功地将我们的信仰和价值传给了下一代，这要我 们竭尽全力。 The times are hostile to this. Public agencies – including public schools – are becoming secularized and increasingly are actively promoting moral relativism. 这个时代恶意满满。公共机构，包括公立学校，正越发世俗化，越来越积极地倡导道德 相对论。 If ever there was a need for a resurgence of Catholic education – and more generally religiously affiliated schools – it is today. 我们有需要，重振教会的教育，复兴所有有宗教信仰的学校——这需要就在今天。 I think we should do all we can to promote and support authentic Catholic education at all levels. 我想我们都应当竭尽全力，倡导并支持在所有阶段上的真正教会教育。 Finally, as lawyers, we should be particularly active in the struggle that is being waged against religion on the legal plane. 最后，作为律师们，我们应当特别积极地奋斗，抵御法律层面上对宗教的战争。 We must be vigilant to resist efforts by the forces of secularization to drive religious viewpoints from the public square and to impinge upon the free exercise of our faith. 我们必须警醒，抵挡世俗化的力量。这力量是要将宗教观念逐出公共场所，要阻止大家 自由行使我们的信仰。 I can assure you that, as long as I am Attorney General, the Department of Justice will be at the forefront of this effort– ready to fight for the most cherished of our liberties – the freedom to live according to our faith. 我可以向大家保证，只要我是司法部长，司法部就一定在最前线，捍卫我们最宝贵的自 由，就是按着我们信仰生活的自由。 Thank you for the opportunity to talk with you today. And God bless you and Notre Dame. 感谢大家，给我今天这机会和你们分享。愿神祝福大家，祝福Notre Dame大学。
正好看到书里说这个。原文说的会把两个人放到不同的continents,绝不会让他们碰面。你说的时间概念好像也是书里的说的，地球的时间，就是我们用的年份是地球特有的，也就是我们现在可以理解的时间概念，和他们的时间概念不一样。不过他们的时间怎么样我还不清楚😫好像是说地上一千年，天上一眨眼？对那个本体而言是两个实验副本，第一个打完了，第二个副本想回到过去的某个时间再重新打一次。所以从地球的时间来看，有一部分重叠，但是对他们管实验的来说，这还是这个本体的两次体验，前后线性链接，没有overlap. 我回头要去看看back to future 😄
虽然出生带积分，也是命运，但是通过行善可以改命
你比我理解的还好。7 sins是人类的问题的本源，我们set 自己free，其实就是去掉自己身上的sin的过程，sin是奴性，是毁灭灵性和人类生命体能量的罪魁祸首
楼主觉得既然写完了始终是要分享的，灾难中人们需要信心。
这已经解读地很准确了。谢谢！
谢谢mm的肯定，开心
同觉得是张灵甫, 他为什么要杀妻呢? 现在的妻子房产有纠纷, 楼主去见过并且帮助过这个遗孀吗?
暴毙的人对后代不好吗? 我知道一个国民党上将, 指挥过腾冲战役的, 后被共产党杀害, 后人一直在查是谁杀的, 本来周恩来都已经放过他了, 他的后代男丁不如意。既然因果是自己的事情, 为何先人对后代有影响? 土葬海葬火葬对后人貌似有极大的不同。
His EX wife is CCP spy, stolen his document
看到是这么说, 因为从战场刚下来, 杀性重, 但不管如何, 自己的妻子啊, 如果楼主真的是张转世那么想听听真情。剥夺别人的生命, 也能重新投胎并赋予重要的使命吗?
不好意思, 其实没有冒犯楼主的意思。楼主觉得歪楼可以不回答的。因为太好奇, 以前还想问红楼梦后40回到底有没有, 在哪里, 那才歪楼厉害。
之前也有层友问过火葬的问题, 风水上土葬肯定是最好的。火葬是否对灵魂有破坏? 但高僧火葬, 搞不懂。
楼主曾经说过导致别人活不下去的要受惩罚的, 故此一问。
关于红楼梦，推荐你去看Lofter上的Sauce沙司写的东西，刚发现都N年了她还在不断更新，很多大开脑洞却又甚合逻辑的研究（跟楼主一样）
说的太好了！很想发给国内的亲人们，楼主要有音频文件就好了。
抢救佛教遗产，带回来保存在中国一部分。
楼主不是张灵甫，抗日的人有好几百万吧。
楼主不是张灵甫哈，要不然连累张将军被小将们刷成奇谈怪论老年文青了。
后人不是受先人影响，而是自己的积分和意愿决定了投胎的家庭，这样的命运有时可以预料，有时不能预料，但是好好差差都是砺练，就好比有人喜欢打难度低的level，有人喜欢挑战。
最后找到平安是最重要的。
圣约是一个人类和天主之间的神圣契约；它由两部分组成：主发出的立约邀请和你对圣约的接受。 上帝的邀请： 我，耶和华，诸天和地上的神，由神圣的三位一体作为你们的宇宙唯一的统治者，现在在这里与你们立下永生的契约。如果你，我亲爱的地球上的孩子，基于你自己的自由意志接受我作为你唯一的上帝和救主，我就赐予你永生，无论是在天堂里还是在地球上。你将成为我永远的孩子，我将成为你永远的上帝。你在天堂的本体将自由和快乐地存在直到永远。在地球上，你的身体和灵体将结合在一起，形成一个新的成圣的生命，在即将到来的地上天国中安享快乐幸福。基于圣约，你们的灵体将和我的圣灵相连，从现在到永远，你将得到我永远的指引和保护。 孩子们，在你们接受圣约之前，我希望你们仔细地阅读它。我需要你彻底理解它的内容和效力，并使用我赋予你的显示我圣洁的爱与尊重的礼物 —自由意志来做出你的决定。你们必须确保你们完全理解我神圣真理的以下三个关键方面，并且愿意全心全意地接受它们。 a. 我耶和华是天上和地上唯一的君主。除了我以外没有别的神。 b. 我有三个主要特点：全能、全知、全善。在我心中对人类怀有真挚的关怀，我具备大能可以履行我的承诺。 c. 我是你通往永生的唯一途径，我们永恒的和谐关系将完全建立在你要与我缔结的契约之上。 我亲爱的孩子，你理解并信服以上的说法吗？如果你的答案是肯定的，你就已经做好准备与我立约了。我呼召地球上的每一个读过我最后的福音书的人与我立约，但你们必须基于自由意志接受永约。否则你所立的约就是无效的。如果你之前已经信奉我的圣经并且已经接受了神圣三位一体作为你唯一的神和救主，你就已经在约中了。但是我仍然欢迎在圣约中的孩子们再次重申我们的约定来加强我们的属灵联系。 凡希望与我订立契约的人，应作出以下声明： 你表示接受圣约 作为天堂与地上唯一的神所爱的孩子，我在此与天父耶和华立下永恒的生命之约。父的三位一体是宇宙唯一的统治者。基于我的自由意志，我接受你我的主作为我唯一的神和救主。我邀请你的圣灵在地球上和我永远相连。我欣喜地接受你赋予我的永生的权利，并且全心全意爱你直到永远。阿们。 每日祈祷 立约之后，你便成了我所爱的孩子直到永远。我对你还有一个要求，那就是你应当每日用耶稣基督给你们的祈祷词向我至少祈祷一次，： “我们在天上的父： 愿人都尊你的名为圣。 愿你的国降临； 愿你的旨意行在地上， 如同行在天上。 我们日用的饮食，今日赐给我们。 免我们的债， 如同我们免了人的债。 不叫我们陷入试探； 救我们脱离那恶者。 因为国度、权柄、荣耀，全是你的， 直到永远。阿们！” — 马太福音 6：9-13
我不知道不同的埋葬方式有什么区别，但是如果有坟墓的话，风水上还是要注意的，应该是对属灵能量有影响。
谁？
你自己念了录给他们吧。展现一下朗诵才能。
同意你的回答。父母祖先和后代dna有相似之处, 会形成类似共振, 骨肉血脉一通, 能量大增。相传朱元璋母亲为了成全儿子在咽气之前要求活埋, 气很足, 因此朱元璋能打败陈友谅。开国的那些大人物都要求破例土葬, 要特批的。一些海葬的经常托梦给后人说太冷。所以我觉得有很大的区别
楼主，怎样才会受到主发出的立约邀请呢？上帝是以什么形式发出立约邀请呢？必须加入基督教么？
老祖宗说的入土为安, 对逝者才好。蒋介石暂错(错别字, 不知道怎么写), 就是棺木放着没下葬, 对后代的影响极大。
不需要，就这么个内容，首先通过这里的内容立约，然后坚持行为正直，就可以保证约的效力。
对，最后阶段，敞开大门。
人啊 还活着的人
🙏🙏
你有没有觉得自己有什么变化吗？
这一天，5/2/2020，是有什么压不住了？
开个脑洞吧，有什么力量在改人类的dna，还有，第十三个进入的蛇夫座，蛇，dna。
应该是好的方向，就是那种让人的身体能够更好的承受某种能量。
我感觉不是这样的。是那种一波接一波的温水煮青蛙，就像现在的新闻，一个瓜抛出来，大家惊呆的吃一阵，然后慢慢淡了，接着就又一个瓜出来，然后又惊呆再平静这种循环。
应该是正在进行时，但要多久和具体怎么样我就感觉不到了。
这样比较好。也和前后的message 比较consistent。楼主的书上，上帝说各种宗教都是捡到部分的pearls，不是全部。所以我想是否入教，入什么教不是本质的。只是感觉基督教提到了很多，还是想要confirm下。我也关心吃啊，佛教不让吃荤，会好痛苦啊。
如果知道自己看透了约的本质，那么这个仪式和宣言就是一种加强作用。如果心里已经立约，就坚守本心就可以了。
这个仪式是帮助新觉悟的人来和上帝迅速建立属灵联系的。
这个和宗教没关系，就是世界本来怎么样就怎么样。
谢谢楼主答疑
顺便再给高楼加块砖
请问楼主，犯过的错误如何弥补？
因为神仙妹子们再也不讲故事了
这周太忙来晚了，楼主在重新梳理自己的工作和一些历史遗留问题。现在有了很大突破。
因为楼主忙去了，楼主也在纠结为什么18年福音被拒绝的问题，现在有了答案。心情好了很多。
总之进展良好，大家很快可以见到现实中黑白颠倒瓦釜雷鸣的事情越来越少。
太好了， 谢谢楼主带来正能量
问下楼主，人应该有翅膀吗？
你看见什么了？可以私信。天使当然是有翅膀的。
我也想知道。 虽然有人不能理解， 但对很多人来说看到这些分享是生活的一股清流， 能冲淡瘟疫带来的压抑情绪
就是就是她感觉到翅膀，是关于我自己的一些私事儿，就不分享了，不是坏事儿。
和我原先想的一样，大巴比伦把持灵界的话语权，控制人类的思想意识，一开始收到请柬的传道者们早就投向他们，成了属灵混乱的既得利益者，最不希望看到的就是思想解放。
如何连接本体？谢谢
楼主是如何被逼迫说出来这些的？能详细讲讲如何被逼迫吗？因为很多人知道也不愿意说。
传道者怎么会投向混乱呢？是被迷惑了吗
那这些人现在呢，重返正途了？
Leahkk MM， 快来讲故事啊。 我们愿意你们灌水刷楼的。 现在这个帖子好寂寞啊
Leak的故事很精彩但是没有经历的人很难理解，所以她为了不连累大家被当成异类就不想说了，你可以问她本人，她很乐意分享的。
犹大为什么要出卖耶稣呢？
现在应该很多本体都上线了，因为末期要认真对待这个实验结果了。 你的本体要愿意的话，你会感觉到它的。就是性格会有点微妙的变化，变得能量充沛，情绪稳定，有一些对世界的陌生感。
我以为瘟疫是属灵恶化的象征，需要赶紧唤醒多一点的人，这就是逼迫了。
我们给leah妹妹建个楼，请leah来讲故事如何？标题叫我经历的神仙故事，哈哈哈 抛砖引玉，欢迎更多有创意的主题名字
发言比较长，大家可以慢慢读，关于自由，关于伪装，关于自我修正系统的摧毁，以及 principles 达到自由的彼岸。 Barr 也是一个上帝派来的使者吧，很多事情在他重新加入历史的舞台后，有重大的改观。
最后，我对于上帝的这个实验很有信心，这个信心在于从我自身的成长得出来的，我们这些出身在中国的教育体系里的人，可以被这些message召唤，能够读懂上帝给与人的自由的召唤，并且乐于实践和传播，这个本身是自由意志的实验结果，也就是证明了实验可以成功，我们每追求自由召唤的人，都是一个种子，都会生根发芽，特别感谢互联网时代。
因为字数限制，必须分成两部分 ====================
司法部长William P. Barr在Notre Dame大学法学院和de Nicola伦理文化中心的讲话 South Bend, IN 印第安纳，South Bend ~ Friday, October 11, 2019 2019年10月11日，周五 Thank you, Tom, for you kind introduction. Bill and Roger, it’s great to be with you. Tom，谢谢你的热心介绍。Bill，Roger，很高兴和你们在一起。 Thank you to the Notre Dame Law School and the de Nicola Center for Ethics and Culture for graciously extending an invitation to address you today. I’ d also like to express gratitude to Tony de Nicola, whose generous support has shaped – and continues to shape – countless minds through examination of the Catholic moral and intellectual tradition. 也谢谢Notre Dame法学院和de Nicola伦理文化中心。是你们大方的邀请，我才可以在 今天跟大家讲话。我也要感谢Tony de Nicola，是他慷慨资助，邀我们检视基督信仰的 道德和智慧传统。这已经，也将要，塑造无数人的思想。 Today, I would like to share some thoughts with you about religious liberty in America. It’s an important priority in this Administration and for this Department of Justice. 今天，我要跟大家分享关于在美国宗教自由的想法。在本届政府，在这个司法部，这是 一项重要的优先任务。 We have set up a task force within the Department in which different components that have equities in “”this area including the Solicitor General’s Office, the Civil Division, the Office of Legal Counsel, and other offices. We have regular meetings. We keep an eye out for cases or events around the country where states are misapplying the Establishment Clause in a way that discriminates against people of faith, or cases where states adopt laws that impinge upon the free exercise of religion. 我们已经在司法部里设立了特别的工作组，不同的部门都有参与，包括副部长办公室， 民事部，法律顾问办公室和其它办公室。我们有定期的会议。我们关注全国发生的案例 和事件，防止各州滥用政教分离条款，歧视信仰人士，或是州立法妨害宗教的自由行使。 From the Founding Era onward, there was strong consensus about the centrality of religious liberty in the United States. 自从立国的时代以来，宗教自由的中心地位，一直是美国的强烈共识。 The imperative of protecting religious freedom was not just a nod in the direction of piety. It reflects the Framers’ belief that religion was indispensable to sustaining our free system of government. 保障宗教自由的法律，不只是向着敬虔方向点头认同。法律表明的，是构国者们的信念 ，就是宗教在我们的自由政府体系中，不可分割。 In his renowned 1785 pamphlet, “Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments,” James Madison described religious liberty as “a right towards men” but “a duty towards the Creator,” and a “duty….precedent both in order of time and degree of obligation, to the claims of Civil Society.” 在著名的1785年传单《宗教评估的实情和反对》中，James Madison说宗教自由“对人 ，是权利”，但是“对创造主，是责任”，并且“这个责任，在时间上，在义务的程度 上，是应当被援引的前例，应用于后来文明社会的诉求。” It has been over 230 years since that small group of colonial lawyers led a Revolution and launched what they viewed as a great experiment, establishing a society fundamentally different than those that had gone before. 这一小群殖民地律师领导了独立革命，发起了他们心中的大实验，建立了和以往任何政 治形态都本质不同的社会。这距离今天，已经超过230年。 They crafted a magnificent Charter of Freedom – the United States Constitution – which provides for limited government, while leaving “the People” broadly at liberty to pursue our lives both as individuals and through free associations. 他们设计了伟大的自由宪章，就是美国宪法。这宪法限制的是政府，却将广泛的自由留 给“人民”，让我们以独立的个人或自由的分群，活出我们的生命追求。 This quantum leap in liberty has been the mainspring of unprecedented human progress, not only for Americans, but for people around the world. 这是自由的量子跃迁，是发条，已经推动了史无前例的人类进步，不只是美国人，更是 全世界的所有人。 In the 20th century, our form of free society faced a severe test. 在20世纪，我们自由社会的制度，面临过严重的考验。 There had always been the question whether a democracy so solicitous of individual freedom could stand up against a regimented totalitarian state. 那时有一直不断的疑问——这样一个关注个人自由的民主制度，到底能不能抵挡纪律严 格的极权国家？ That question was answered with a resounding “yes” as the United States stood up against and defeated, first fascism, and then communism. 这个问题的回答，是响亮的“能”。因为美国抵挡了，并且战胜了，先是法西斯，后来 是共产主义。 But in the 21st century, we face an entirely different kind of challenge. 但是在这21世纪，我们面对的是完全不同的挑战。 The challenge we face is precisely what the Founding Fathers foresaw would be our supreme test as a free society. 我们面对的挑战，正是国父们预见的，那是对我们这个自由社会的终极考验。 They never thought the main danger to the Republic came from external foes. The central question was whether, over the long haul, we could handle freedom. The question was whether the citizens in such a free society could maintain the moral discipline and virtue necessary for the survival of free institutions. 他们从来不认为外部敌人会成为共和制度的最大危险。关键的问题，不是经年累月之后 的我们，还能不能处理自由。问题是，在这样自由社会里的公民们，能不能保持道德的 操守与品质——那才是自由社会存活的必需。 By and large, the Founding generation’s view of human nature was drawn from the Classical Christian tradition. 一般说来，国父一代对人性的观念，来源于经典的基督传统。 These practical Statesmen understood that individuals, while having the potential for great good, also had the capacity for great evil. 这些务实的政治人物理解，每个人，虽有可能行出极大的善，亦有可能行出极大的恶。 Men are subject to powerful passions and appetites, and, if unrestrained, are capable of ruthlessly riding roughshod over their neighbors and the community at large. 人，受情绪和喜好的强大影响。如果不受约束，人有能力残酷无情地欺侮他人，伤害社 区。 No society can exist without some means for restraining individual rapacity. 如果没有方法约束个人的贪欲，没有社会能够长存。 But, if you rely on the coercive power of government to impose restraints, this will inevitably lead to a government that is too controlling, and you will end up with no liberty, just tyranny. 但是，如果你依赖政府的强制力量来强加这约束，不可避免地将导致控制过分的政府。 最终，你将失去自由，只剩下暴政。 On the other hand, unless you have some effective restraint, you end up with something equally dangerous – licentiousness – the unbridled pursuit of personal appetites at the expense of the common good. This is just another form of tyranny – where the individual is enslaved by his appetites, and the possibility of any healthy community life crumbles. 另一方面，除非你有什么有效的约束，不然最终你得到的，是同样危险的结局——就是 混乱的邪荡，就是不顾公益的无节制的私欲追求。这不过是另一种样子的暴政——各人 被自己的私欲所奴役，建立健康的社区根本没有可能。 Edmund Burke summed up this point in his typically colorful language: Edmund Burke以他多彩的语言这样归纳： “Men are qualified for civil liberty, in exact proportion to their disposition to put chains upon their appetites….Society cannot exits unless a controlling power be placed somewhere; and the less of it there is within , the more there must be without. It is ordained in the eternal constitution of things that men intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters.” “人享受文明自由的资格，是和他们锁住自己私欲的素质成精确比例的……社会无法存 在，除非有约束的力量存在。而且，里面的越少，外面的必然越多。心无节制，人无自 由，这是永恒的命定。人的感性，铸就了他们的枷锁。” So the Founders decided to take a gamble. They called it a great experiment. 就这样，国父们决心赌一场，他们称之为大实验。 They would leave “the People” broad liberty, limit the coercive power of the government, and place their trust in self-discipline and virtue of the American people. 他们将给予“人民”广泛的自由，限制政府的强制力量。他们的信心，在于美国人民的 自律和美德。 In the words of Madison, “We have staked our future on the ability of each of us to govern ourselves…” 用Madison的话说，“我们是将我们的未来，赌在我们每个人管理自己的能力上了……” This is really what was meant by “self-government.” It did not mean primarily the mechanics by which we select a representative legislative body . It referred to the capacity of each individual to restrain and govern themselves. 这就是“自治”的真正意义。“自治”的根本，不在于我们选择民意代表组成立法机构 的这个机制。“自治”，是说每一个个人约束自己，管理自己的能力。 But what was the source of this internal controlling power? In a free Republic those restraints could not be handed down from above by philosopher kings. 但这内在的约束力，源自何处？在一个自由的共和社会里，那些约束不可能自上而下， 由智慧君王发布施行。 Instead, social order must flow up from the people themselves – freely obeying the dictates of inwardly-possessed and commonly-shared moral values. And to control willful human beings, with and infinite capacity to rationalize, those moral values must rest on authority independent of men’s will – they must flow from a transcendent Supreme Being. 相反的，社会秩序必须自下而上，由人民自己发起——自发地遵守内有的和共有的道德 价值。随心所欲的人类，有无穷的能力合理化任何行为。要管理这样的人，这些道德价 值必须建立在独立于人的意志的权柄之上——它们必须源自超乎一切的至高者。 In short, in the Framers’ view, free government was only suitable and sustainable for a religious people – a people who recognized that there was a transcendent moral order antecedent to both the state and manmade law and who had the discipline to control themselves according to those enduring principles. 简单说，在构国者的眼中，自由政府只适用，也只适合于有宗教信仰的人民——要承认 存在超乎一切的道德秩序，它超越国家，超越人订的法律。这样的人民才有自律，才会 依据永恒不变的原则，管理他们自己。
lz还能多说几个本体上线的特征吗，前两点有一点点感觉到，对世界多了很多好奇心而不是陌生感，很想对号入座一下