啊哈哈哈哈😂 这哪国的拼音啊？ there are you go? 是什么鬼？ 看不懂看不懂？拜托 英文这么差能不能不要出来现啊？ you read ppl's mind? r u witch? Ding dong the witch is dead. Which old witch? The wicked witch is dead~~~ Ding dong, the wicked witch is dead
我老公是香港出生的，公婆都是解放那会从上海逃到香港的，确实对共产党政府很抵触，特别公婆很少跟大陆来的新移民说话，除非对方是上海人，还会聊两句家乡话，他们当初也是97回归不信任政府才全家移民来美国的。香港这次的事一开始我老公还挺支持，七月那会还开玩笑说要回去一起抗议港府，但是事情发展到现在，特别看到越来越多的暴力行为，放火，打砸，破坏的事很不满，感觉现在闹事的大部分都是十几岁到二十几岁的孩子，They have nothing to lose! 把整个香港大环境都给破坏了。
The Rule of Law in Hong Kong Huge demonstrations have rattled the territory’s government — and the leadership in Beijing
Three things stand out about the protesters who rocked Hong Kong this week. There were a great many of them. Hundreds of thousands took to the streets in what may have been the biggest demonstration since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997. Most of them were young — too young to be nostalgic about British rule. Their unhappiness at Beijing’s heavy hand was entirely their own. And they showed remarkable courage. Since the “Umbrella Movement” of 2014, the Communist Party has been making clear that it will tolerate no more insubordination — and yet three days later demonstrators braved rubber bullets, tear gas and legal retribution to make their point. All these things are evidence that, as many Hong Kongers see it, nothing less than the future of their city is at stake. On the face of it, the protests were about something narrow and technical (see article). Under the law, a Hong Kong resident who allegedly murdered his girlfriend in Taiwan last year cannot be sent back there for trial. Hong Kong’s government has therefore proposed to allow the extradition of suspects to Taiwan — and to any country with which there is no extradition agreement, including the Chinese mainland. However, the implications could not be more profound. The colonial-era drafters of Hong Kong’s current law excluded the mainland from extradition because its courts could not be trusted to deliver impartial justice. With the threat of extradition, anyone in Hong Kong becomes subject to the vagaries of the Chinese legal system, in which the rule of law ranks below the rule of the party. Dissidents taking on Beijing may be sent to face harsh treatment in the Chinese courts. Businesspeople risk a well-connected Chinese competitor finding a way to drag them into an easily manipulated jurisdiction. That could be disastrous for Hong Kong, a fragile bridge between a one-party state and the freedoms of global commerce. Many firms choose Hong Kong because it is well-connected with China’s huge market, but also upholds the same transparent rules that govern economies in the West. Thanks to mainland China, Hong Kong is the world’s eighth-largest exporter of goods and home to the world’s fourth-largest stockmarket. Yet its huge banking system is seamlessly connected to the West and its currency is pegged to the dollar. For many global firms, Hong Kong is both a gateway to the Chinese market and central to the Asian continent — more than 1,300 of them have their regional headquarters there. If Hong Kong came to be seen as just another Chinese city, Hong Kongers would not be the only ones to suffer. The threat is real. Since he took over as China’s leader in 2012, Xi Jinping has been making it clearer than ever that the legal system should be under the party’s thumb. China must “absolutely not follow the Western road of ‘judicial independence’,” he said in a speech published in February. In 2015 Mr Xi launched a campaign to silence independent lawyers and civil-rights activists. Hundreds of them have been harassed or detained by the police. The authorities on the mainland have even sent thugs to other jurisdictions to abduct people, including a publisher of gossipy books about the party, snatched from a car park in Hong Kong and a tycoon taken from the Four Seasons hotel in 2017. The message is plain. Mr Xi not only cares little for the rule of law on the Chinese mainland. He scorns it elsewhere, too. The Hong Kong government says the new law has safeguards. But the protesters are right to dismiss them. In theory extradition should not apply in political cases, and cover only crimes that would incur heavy sentences. But the party has a long record of punishing its critics by charging them with offences that do not appear political. Hong Kong’s government says it has reduced the number of white-collar offences that will be covered. But blackmail and fraud still count. It has said that only extradition requests made by China’s highest judicial officials will be considered. But the decision will fall to Hong Kong’s chief executive. That person, currently Carrie Lam, is chosen by party loyalists in Hong Kong and answers to the party in Beijing. Local courts will have little room to object. The bill could throttle Hong Kong’s freedoms by raising the possibility that the party’s critics could be bundled over the border. It is a perilous moment. The protests have turned violent — possibly more violent than any since the anti-colonial demonstrations in 1967. Officials in Beijing have condemned them as a foreign plot. Ms Lam has been digging in her heels. But it is not too late for her to think again. In its narrowest sense, the new law will not accomplish what she wants. Taiwan has said that it will not accept the suspect’s extradition under the new law. Less explosive solutions have been suggested, including letting Hong Kong’s courts try cases involving murder committed elsewhere. Anti-subversion legislation was left to languish after protests in 2003. There is talk that the government may see this as the moment to push through that long-shelved law. Instead Ms Lam should take it as a precedent for her extradition reform. The rest of the world can encourage her. Britain, which signed a treaty guaranteeing that Hong Kong’s way of life will remain unchanged until at least 2047, has a particular duty. Its government has expressed concern about the “potential effects” of the new law, but it should say loud and clear that it is wrong. With America, caught up in a trade war with China, there is a risk that Hong Kong becomes the focus of a great-power clash. Some American politicians have warned that the law could jeopardise the special status the United States affords the territory. They should be prudent. Cutting off Hong Kong would not only harm American interests in the territory but also wreck the prospects of Hong Kongers — an odd way to reward its would-be democrats. Better to press the central government, or threaten case-by-case scrutiny of American extraditions to Hong Kong. But would this have any effect? That is a hard question, because it depends on Mr Xi. China has paid dearly for its attempts to squeeze Hong Kong. Each time the world sees how its intransigence and thuggishness is at odds with the image of harmony it wants to project. When Hong Kong passed into Chinese rule 22 years ago, the idea was that the two systems would grow together. As the protesters have made clear, that is not going to plan.
我老公是香港出生的，公婆都是解放那会从上海逃到香港的，确实对共产党政府很抵触，特别公婆很少跟大陆来的新移民说话，除非对方是上海人，还会聊两句家乡话，他们当初也是97回归不信任政府才全家移民来美国的。香港这次的事一开始我老公还挺支持，七月那会还开玩笑说要回去一起抗议港府，但是事情发展到现在，特别看到越来越多的暴力行为，放火，打砸，破坏的事很不满，感觉现在闹事的大部分都是十几岁到二十几岁的孩子，They have nothing to lose! 把整个香港大环境都给破坏了。
🔥 最新回帖
港人一直在要求独立调查独立调查 你这自欺欺人得真是 继续说你那狗屁不通的英文呀 怪不得脑子被墙内媒体洗得 原来看不明白也说不明白英文 就算翻墙出来 也不管用 还是百度顺手
对于暴力的具体问题你们一概回避，只能单纯的沉沦在情绪性的言辞和假设性的胜利之中，和你们的黑衣人伙伴一样的懦夫
🛋️ 沙发板凳
香港在民国时代才开始兴旺，人口由20万增长到抗日高峰的160万。在抗日高峰时，香港有40-50%广东人，大多来自珠三角，部分来自潮州，以及30-40%福建人，大多来自福建沿海，其余省份人口只在少数。香港的人均gdp在民国政权灭亡时有大陆6倍。
香港人口在1941年约有160至180万之间，但到1945年8月却剩下60万，在三年零八个月日占期间少了100万人，其中包括自愿或强制回乡，以及非正常死亡的人口。1945年，香港人口为50万，至1950年，香港人口大增到220万，[url=https://zh.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%A4%A7%E9%80%83%E6%B8%AF]大逃港[/url]一书作者[url=https://zh.m.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=%E9%99%B3%E7%A7%89%E5%AE%89&action=edit&redlink=1]陈秉安[/url]经20多年采访和研究指出1950-1980年间由香港的人口增长中，来自中国大陆合法以及非法偷渡到香港而现今又留在香港的人口以及在1980年前迁入的亲属以及所生的子女高达250万！
1980年香港政府实施即捕即解，此前30年人口差不多以每十年100万的速度高速增长。1945年人口50万，1950年人口220万，1980年人口510万
根据广东省方面的纪录，1979年与1980年广东约70万人偷渡进入香港，循合法途径进入香港的也达10万人。
有国民党家属没能全家亲都跟着军队跑的，其他亲属解放后用别的方式往台湾跑，好像都要途径香港
我在香港工作两年，香港人知道我是大陆来的经常会问我老家哪里的，因为我祖籍上海，才发现香港中上产里上海人挺多的，都说家里49年前后来的，一见到老乡非常亲的，他们都不会说上海话了，都是英语和粤语，有的特别学过的会一些蹩脚的普通话。
个人觉得香港人对上海人的态度全中国第一好吧，估计那一代上海移民素质也高，不像全国其他地方上海人被黑的一塌糊涂。
2楼这种ID有什么搭理的必要么？
你香港统计局的？ 一拍脑门，1%，
为啥不是5%呢？
这么抬举人家？
能去外国上学的100个里面没有1个
ABC男生，也是我们学校的，家里父母是大陆来美国的留学生，这个女生英语，粤语，江苏当地的一个方言，还有普通话都会说。
我都说港女外嫁比国女少，尤其是有钱读国际学校的，她们都知道白男有多变态。
你还统计过这些事情？
如果这也算有钱，香港有钱人很多很多很多。在香港有钱人这个词适用于李嘉诚刘銮雄这种，他们家这样的算普通专业人士，中上产最多。
而随后香港爆发的左派六七暴动失败了被镇压下去了所以香港并没有被左派控制，这导致了今天香港人和澳门人对GCD的区别对待
越是先发达起来的东亚国家外嫁女越少因为她们早早看清了洋人的本质日本韩国台湾香港新加坡都是
所以你想说啥？
还有小声问一句，你写的这些都是隔壁杨锦麟的文章抄的吧？
是因为新注册的账户着急积分么？
研究了一下被烧的都是pro beijing 的香港商家
不是有个老板一直挺黑衣人然后店铺被烧了嘛？这种叫求仁得仁
和平游行示威民主申诉非常支持，即便当时的雨伞行动我也觉得不算过分，认为一直被大陆夸大歪曲报道宣传。
但是这次抗议从开始的烧国旗，到后来打砸抢烧杀的行为我都深恶痛绝。暴徒不仅用致命武器对准试图驱散他们的警察，就连与他们意见不合的市民都被“私了”、群攻、放火烧、用砖块砸死，这在任何国际地区都是不人道的反人类行为，与他们所反对的霸权和专政又有何区别？试图粉饰的媒体和个人都可以说是无耻至极没有下限。
香港什么时候烧国旗了？
青天白日满地红
你说的是匪旗吧？
有很多挺警察挺共党的后来被强拆被社会主义铁拳教育了 推荐墙国铁拳现世报这个twitter账号
在内地可能是，在Hk真的是一般中产就能应付的
所以你也觉得霸权主义的共党专政和不明身份的暴徒一样无耻至极没有下限？那么加入一起呼吁独立调查吧 ！
97之后大陆没有民主化没有颜色革命呗，香港只认同民主化的中共，而中共认为这违反初心和国体，而且中共认为只要不认同就是要独立，如何解？
所谓的民主敢情就是不同意我的主张就是烧你全家。 这样的”民主“谁敢支持。
至少目前香港政府还是按照司法途径起诉嫌疑犯的， 哪怕最后人又被法院放了。 抓人的时候也听到说的是：你去和法官说去， 即使Pro-beijing的人认为法官有偏袒。
你这就好像在说，我对tg没有什么太正面的看法。你们暴徒做了可能等于tg做过了万分之一的恶那就是反人类的，我就是深恶痛绝的。
我不支持暴力，但是就是觉得层主这段义正严辞的话看着特别正义，却也很双标。
确实应该反省，一国两制就是个坑。
这个事情的问题不就是这些孩子 have nothing to lose吗？他们已经看不到自己的未来了
共匪生产的催泪弹全地球找不到第二个比这个更毒的，希特勒都甘拜下风，在推特上看了有个外国记者中毒的照片，整个皮肤疙疙瘩瘩，脸都变形了，可怜的香港人不知道吸了多少！共匪自己的军队也吸了，搬起石头砸自己的脚
脑残也该有个限度
优越感不再了。
当年一家人，我是上等人；现在我成了下等人。
香港大学的研究生70%是内地人。中环的金融岗位相当多被内地人竞争拿走了。很多年前，一个云南的高考状元在香港读金融工作，被撞死了，数千香港人点赞说蝗虫死了。
现在在香港做金融的内地人仪表堂堂，比一般香港人好太多了。就连身边的大摩女，你看看那胸那屁股，活脱脱一个钱露露，比一般港妹强太多了。香港人看着能不自卑能不火么？责己常暗，责人常明。
香港9大学校长联合声明 要求港府解决政治僵局
2019-11-16
https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/Xinwen/5-11162019115455.html
香港9所大学校长，11月16日就时局发表联合声明称，任何认为大学可以化解这场危机的期望是不切实际，因为这些极其复杂而困难的困局，并非由大学造成，也无法通过大学纪律程序来解决。
声明指出港府必须牵头联合社会各界，以迅速和具体的行动来化解这一政治僵局，以恢复公共秩序和社会的安定。
声明指出，“过去一星期，本港出现的暴力和对立情况进一步升级：某些大学已被示威者所控制，校园内有毒的化学品遭劫走，教职员与同学因其自身安全而离开校园。这些事件正对大学造成最根本的挑战”。
声明表示，“任何政治观点，都不能成为肆意破坏财物，威胁他人安全以至使用暴力的理据。令人遗憾的是，当前的社会纷争，已令大学校园化身成政治角力的场所，而政府的回应至今为止未有效化解危机”。
洋人当主子天经地义，给洋人当奴才心甘情愿，回归大陆后＂洋＂字不再，心不甘情不愿，对大陆各种瞧不上，所以出现了当今的＂又扳又跳＂
戏精 不要自行加戏 1）人家没有说共党只在“香港”做了一万倍于暴徒的反人类行为
2）请勿把不明身份暴徒和共党加以区分 穿黑衣带警棍带手枪最后表明身份是警察的录影youtube上多了去了 在没有独立调查前 有证据显示警察卧底黑衣人 合理怀疑 并要求彻查
应该是共党想和在内地一样给大学校长施压 让他们限期停止学生示威或对抗 不然撤职查办 lol
Huge demonstrations have rattled the territory’s government — and the leadership in Beijing
Three things stand out about the protesters who rocked Hong Kong this week. There were a great many of them. Hundreds of thousands took to the streets in what may have been the biggest demonstration since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997. Most of them were young — too young to be nostalgic about British rule. Their unhappiness at Beijing’s heavy hand was entirely their own. And they showed remarkable courage. Since the “Umbrella Movement” of 2014, the Communist Party has been making clear that it will tolerate no more insubordination — and yet three days later demonstrators braved rubber bullets, tear gas and legal retribution to make their point. All these things are evidence that, as many Hong Kongers see it, nothing less than the future of their city is at stake.
On the face of it, the protests were about something narrow and technical (see article). Under the law, a Hong Kong resident who allegedly murdered his girlfriend in Taiwan last year cannot be sent back there for trial. Hong Kong’s government has therefore proposed to allow the extradition of suspects to Taiwan — and to any country with which there is no extradition agreement, including the Chinese mainland.
However, the implications could not be more profound. The colonial-era drafters of Hong Kong’s current law excluded the mainland from extradition because its courts could not be trusted to deliver impartial justice. With the threat of extradition, anyone in Hong Kong becomes subject to the vagaries of the Chinese legal system, in which the rule of law ranks below the rule of the party. Dissidents taking on Beijing may be sent to face harsh treatment in the Chinese courts. Businesspeople risk a well-connected Chinese competitor finding a way to drag them into an easily manipulated jurisdiction.
That could be disastrous for Hong Kong, a fragile bridge between a one-party state and the freedoms of global commerce. Many firms choose Hong Kong because it is well-connected with China’s huge market, but also upholds the same transparent rules that govern economies in the West. Thanks to mainland China, Hong Kong is the world’s eighth-largest exporter of goods and home to the world’s fourth-largest stockmarket. Yet its huge banking system is seamlessly connected to the West and its currency is pegged to the dollar. For many global firms, Hong Kong is both a gateway to the Chinese market and central to the Asian continent — more than 1,300 of them have their regional headquarters there. If Hong Kong came to be seen as just another Chinese city, Hong Kongers would not be the only ones to suffer.
The threat is real. Since he took over as China’s leader in 2012, Xi Jinping has been making it clearer than ever that the legal system should be under the party’s thumb. China must “absolutely not follow the Western road of ‘judicial independence’,” he said in a speech published in February. In 2015 Mr Xi launched a campaign to silence independent lawyers and civil-rights activists. Hundreds of them have been harassed or detained by the police. The authorities on the mainland have even sent thugs to other jurisdictions to abduct people, including a publisher of gossipy books about the party, snatched from a car park in Hong Kong and a tycoon taken from the Four Seasons hotel in 2017. The message is plain. Mr Xi not only cares little for the rule of law on the Chinese mainland. He scorns it elsewhere, too.
The Hong Kong government says the new law has safeguards. But the protesters are right to dismiss them. In theory extradition should not apply in political cases, and cover only crimes that would incur heavy sentences. But the party has a long record of punishing its critics by charging them with offences that do not appear political. Hong Kong’s government says it has reduced the number of white-collar offences that will be covered. But blackmail and fraud still count. It has said that only extradition requests made by China’s highest judicial officials will be considered. But the decision will fall to Hong Kong’s chief executive. That person, currently Carrie Lam, is chosen by party loyalists in Hong Kong and answers to the party in Beijing. Local courts will have little room to object. The bill could throttle Hong Kong’s freedoms by raising the possibility that the party’s critics could be bundled over the border.
It is a perilous moment. The protests have turned violent — possibly more violent than any since the anti-colonial demonstrations in 1967. Officials in Beijing have condemned them as a foreign plot. Ms Lam has been digging in her heels. But it is not too late for her to think again.
In its narrowest sense, the new law will not accomplish what she wants. Taiwan has said that it will not accept the suspect’s extradition under the new law. Less explosive solutions have been suggested, including letting Hong Kong’s courts try cases involving murder committed elsewhere. Anti-subversion legislation was left to languish after protests in 2003. There is talk that the government may see this as the moment to push through that long-shelved law. Instead Ms Lam should take it as a precedent for her extradition reform.
The rest of the world can encourage her. Britain, which signed a treaty guaranteeing that Hong Kong’s way of life will remain unchanged until at least 2047, has a particular duty. Its government has expressed concern about the “potential effects” of the new law, but it should say loud and clear that it is wrong. With America, caught up in a trade war with China, there is a risk that Hong Kong becomes the focus of a great-power clash. Some American politicians have warned that the law could jeopardise the special status the United States affords the territory. They should be prudent. Cutting off Hong Kong would not only harm American interests in the territory but also wreck the prospects of Hong Kongers — an odd way to reward its would-be democrats. Better to press the central government, or threaten case-by-case scrutiny of American extraditions to Hong Kong.
But would this have any effect? That is a hard question, because it depends on Mr Xi. China has paid dearly for its attempts to squeeze Hong Kong. Each time the world sees how its intransigence and thuggishness is at odds with the image of harmony it wants to project. When Hong Kong passed into Chinese rule 22 years ago, the idea was that the two systems would grow together. As the protesters have made clear, that is not going to plan.
只有在香港做的才算？在大陆做的就不是反人类？
啧啧啧 责己常暗 责人常明 赠贵党 再合适不过
以己度人这句话 送给你
还有 少挑起仇恨 这种裁剪信息制造矛盾的把戏 太低级太恶心🤢
日前遭貨車撞至重創的香港大學內地尖子女畢業生劉涵，港大校友在facebook的專頁及內地網站亦對其情況關注，至前晚有近三萬人轉發訊息，中港兩地師生齊為她打氣，其父母及親友已由雲南趕抵本港，昨晨到醫院探望，惜她於昨午四時十六分不治。
https://orientaldaily.on.cc/cnt/news/20131009/mobile/odn-20131009-1009_00176_076.html
这不正说明很多暴徒其实是中共派出去的卧底吗？
有学校被破坏吗？
暴徒打砸抢烧杀人都是互相配合、团伙作案，youtube视频多了去了，还有各种西方媒体拍的照片，这也能嫁祸给警方？这些烧人放火打砸抢的勾搭不会被任何文明社会接受。这些年轻人在自己制造的混乱中已经失去理智、泯灭人性，没有任何责任感，最终只会把香港带入深渊。
就连一向支持民主运动的BBC、德国之声这些西方媒体最近对于暴行的基调也越来越倾向谴责，因为他们的记者亲眼目睹太多暴徒暴力疯狂的不人道行为，民主不是杀人放火、打砸抢和霸凌不同意见者的遮羞布。
有良知的人在面对无辜路人被泼油放火烧，清理路面被砖头砸死这样的暴行会有自己的判断，不是任何媒体或利益集团可以粉饰的。
😂哈哈哈哈😂 请勿回避“独立调查”四字 不用声嘶力竭 连戏精这种玩笑话都能把你气到暴跳指责人身攻击？那芒果台应该被封杀无数次了
还有 良知呢 也不是靠嚎出来的 🤷🏻♀️
良知这东东 和智商和辩论的能力有一定正相关 基本上良知多的 定力也足点 不会被人牵着鼻子跑 很多似是而非的诡辩 到了良知这里 就冰消雪融地化了 一点不难 就好像不贪钱的人很难被骗一样 当然了 你要理解这个概念估计很难
https://twitter.com/jenniferatntd/status/1195782382445617153?s=20
以下來自原大陸《南方週末》記者：
我刚刚得到的消息是，中国方面调动了所有海内外资源，发起了迄今为止规模最大的舆论战，其具体动作是：
1、开动了所有官媒和机关和企事业单位的官方微博，微信，以谣言持续污名化香港学生和抗争者，营造全国上下同仇敌忾的舆论环境
2、发动了所有在海外媒体，包括脸书，Google等互联网公司中的潜伏人员，利用老外不懂中文的因素，大规模删除，封锁声援香港的贴子。
3、利用欧美，特别是美国境内的庞大的游说势力，展开对美国政界，财经界、学界，智库的游说活动，威逼利诱他们支持中国政府镇压香港人，或在中国镇压的时候保持沉默。
4、中国警察和国安大规模抓捕境内同情香港民众的大陆人。
具体情况还在了解中。
五个多月了 矛盾早就被政府激化了 出现暴力行为责任大部分在政府，而pro-beijing的这些人正是被政府用来激化矛盾的，国内的媒体更是铺天盖地的宣传香港暴徒以激化内地人对香港人的仇恨，故意制造民族对了激化民族仇恨这个行为我认为是不可取的特别是政府主导，另外民间也有问题不文明的内地人去香港受到歧视他们动不动说香港人歧视内地人说他们反华反中，那么上海人北京人讨厌不文明的外地人我们能说上海人北京人反华反中么？
人家就是宁愿毁了也不愿交到共党手里 滚粗香港吧！
交到共党手里让共党继续杀人？
滚粗共匪吧！
我的祖父母一辈的人都去世了，最近追悼会去的时候，心里会追忆他们这一生，有幸的有不幸的，幸的来自于能屈能伸懂得认tg的好，不幸的早早的被牵连高调的人生从二十几岁开始下坡。对于tg来说，这都是历史，好翻篇了，可是我每每想到自己亲人这一辈子就惨烈在tg的运动手里直到老死也没再过过好日子心里很煎熬的
我们这些人survive以后是希望进步然后悲剧不要再现，还是关起门来一味只说好呢？
我昨天看篱笆上对于孙杨事件的讨论，其实和这里好多反hk游行的id心理是一致的
hk这事的走向很难讲，多股势力纠结在一起，这些大势力谁也不是在体谅一个个小小的灵魂的平安与喜乐的，所以更令人揪心
对！杀光烧光强光，焦土政策什么都别留给土共！
☆ 发自 iPhone 华人一网 1.14.05
错❌ 不要习惯性地往反人类的罪行上靠 你的世界太疯狂 和正常人世界不一样
所以反对也不行，顺着你们说也不行，你们的民主自由就是你们说人家都听着？黑衣人现在不就是在干这个吗，不能说啊？哈哈
“大陆千万不能管人家香港的事”。你真的好笑欸，大陸不去推送中條例，香港會有今天的局面？
除了你还有谁说过要烧光杀光了？这种反人类台词 就是你自己刚才说的 白纸黑字 不要血口喷人
嘴里说着民主自由干着烧杀抢的事不就是黑衣人在干的吗？他们是不说烧杀抢就是干而已，你们还要卖力粉饰什么呢
之前那位在说宁愿自己毁了香港也不能给土共的，转头就不认了，你们的逻辑啊太弱智
哈哈，你的想象力真是丰富有余，泼汽油烧老人还不反人类吗几个大学的暴力事件香港暴徒还想甩锅吗？你的辩解已经在靠想象了苍白无力得可以
啧啧啧，不谴责暴力行为你们还啧啧啧，呵呵
啧啧啧 终于开始按头谴责了？比预计的晚了一个回合
多少人惨死在铲党手里，就算经过磨难活过来了各种伤痛磨难，每每看到这些历史记录都感到痛心疾首。一个个活生生的生命都在土共的艰难探索里面被翻过去了，还有人能从这样的政权看到希望吗？
啊，你们不口口声声反人类暴行嘛，当然要谴责了
据说摇滚巨星崔健说过，“只要天安门上还挂着毛主席像，我們都还是同一代人”。铲党70年的艰难探索，本质从来没有变过。
轮不到你来指挥我们做什么不做什么 不要把自己当颗葱 你不配
喂，刚说了要毁掉香港回头就假惺惺说别人反人类的是怎么说？再来分享一下不烧不杀不暴力怎么毁掉香港吧？香港毁了老百姓吃什么住哪里呢？和着民主来民主去就是让老百姓没吃没住的，这理念够人道够先进的哈
所以轮到你们来指挥了？做梦！
同感.
是你一直在制造谣言 煽动反人类行为 按头谴责 都失败了 该从恶梦中醒来了
香港的暴力行动注定失败，倒不是我愿意支持土共，而是消停点大家少受罪，不愿意消停那就多受点罪，力量对比在这摆着那，暴徒们才是少做点梦是正经，别在反人类的路上越走越远了
你说你们说来说去都是虚的回避的，理亏嘛，浪费我的时间，切！
你一会想挑拨一会想造谣 结果呢 只是当众出丑 🤷🏻♀️
美国一宣布制裁新疆官员 就马上内哄 泄露出史上最长篇幅的官方文件 甩锅给总指挥 接下来英国也会同气同声 制裁所有与香港乱局有关的官员 等着看互咬大戏吧 接下来越来越多发达国家民主国家联手制裁没收反人类暴行的负责人以及他们亲戚在海外的资产 有趣有趣 鼓掌喝彩👏