一对父子的分歧 A Father-Son Spliton Hong Kong Protests Shows City’s Generational Divide
HONG KONG — WongYue-kui watched with dismay as a live feed on television showed anti-governmentprotesters peacefullyoccupying an airport terminal in his city, Hong Kong. This isnot going to end well, he thought.
Then he saw hisson, Kenny, a 38-year-old insurance agent, among the black-clad demonstrators.For weeks, he had been arguing with him in the hope that he would step backfrom the increasinglyconfrontational protests.
Mr. Wong, 65, abald, tough-looking man, had told his son that it was useless and foolish tochallenge China’s ruling Communist Party and the party’s handpicked localofficials. He himself had fled the mainland nearly half a century ago, swimmingfor hours to Hong Kong after his father died while being politically persecutedby the Communists.
“Only politics cansolve political problems,” said Mr. Wong, who runs a cellphone accessoriesstall at a local market. “We ordinary people can’t solve these problems on ourown.”
As Chinamarks 70 years of Communist rule, the semiautonomous territory ofHong Kong along its southern border is caught between two worlds. Many in Mr.Wong’s generation had fled the mainland during the excesses of the Mao Zedongera and found stability and a path out of poverty in Hong Kong. The memory ofpolitical turmoil and China’s startlingemergence in recent decades as an economic juggernaut haveserved as reminders that learning to get along with an increasingly powerfuland resilient Communist Party is key to survival.
But others, likehis son, Kenny, see the party’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s affairs in recentyears as a threatto cherished political freedoms unseen on the mainland. Andthey reject the territory’s political elite of bureaucrats and tycoons they seeas being more beholden to Beijing.
Theprotests, as many of them see it, are their last chance todefend the city for the next generation and challenge the party in ways thattheir predecessors had been unwilling. The protests have escalated in violenceand increasingly target Beijing: On Oct. 1, the anniversary, the protesterswill march to mark what they have called the “national tragedy” of the party’s70-year “aggression against China.”
At the crux of thechallenge is how the party might redefine its sovereignty over the territory towin over those who fear or reject its authoritarian tendencies.
In tackling this,Mr. Xi may draw lessons from his father, a Communist revolutionary who faced asimilar challenge in China’s south decades ago. But China’s top leader couldfind that the promises of economic development that his father made might havelimited effect in the current crisis.
Last month, Mr.Wong sent his son a cellphone video of a fight between a group of protestersand pro-government supporters, and urged him to stay home.
上个月，王乐驹给儿子发了一条手机视频，是一群抗议者和亲政府的支持者的混战，他劝儿子待在家里。
Kenny responded:“I wish you would remember the reason why you risked your life to come to HongKong back then.”
肯尼回复道：“我希望你不要忘记为什么当年冒着生命危险来香港。”
Life is differentnow, his father explained; he was poor back then. “But you are in a differentplace,” he said. “You have your own family, a child. Think about it carefully.”His message was clear: They have more to lose now.
For his son, thatwasn’t enough of a reason to stand down.
对他的儿子来说，这不足以成为后退的理由。
“What you did wasfor the sake of your mother and the future,” Kenny said. “It’s the same for me.I’m thinking about my son and the future.”
“你这样做是为了你的母亲和将来，”肯尼说。“我也一样。我在考虑我的儿子和将来。”
“Freedom swimmers”
“自由泳者”
In 1973, WongYue-kui was desperate to escape China.
1973年，王乐驹迫切地想逃离中国。
His father, a ricemerchant, had died five years earlier in a labor camp where the Communists hadsent him after they denounced him as a capitalist. Studentmilitants known as Red Guards had ransacked their home in thesouthern city of Guangzhou and seized the family’s valuables, including a jadebracelet his mother had hidden in a rice tank.
Mr. Wong was 19years old, the fifth of six children, and he needed to find better paying workto support his family. He prepared to flee to Hong Kong. His cousin taught himhow to swim in a river, whacking him with a bamboo stick each time he reachedout to the riverbank. One day, they were ready.
For 15 days, Mr.Wong and his cousin hiked in the hills under cover of night to preventdetection by the border patrol. He survived on five mooncakes and a bag ofgrape sugar.
At around 2 a.m.on Aug. 18, the two men stripped off their shirts — they had no otherpossessions — and plunged into the dark waters. Even from that distance, Mr.Wong could see the lights of Hong Kong’s buildings sparkling against the inkynight sky. Hong Kong — and freedom — seemed so close.
He swam as fast ashe could. Many escapees had been shot by border agents making the samecrossing, their bodies washing up on the shores of Hong Kong. He forced himselfto focus on getting there. Around five hours later, Mr. Wong crawled onto amuddy embankment. He had made it.
Scholars estimatethat as many as one million people fled from China to Hong Kong during the Maoera. Risking death, some fled over the land border, others built boats and many— the so-called “freedom swimmers” — braved the waves head-on.
Villages inChina’s south had been emptied, farmland abandoned. The party saw this exodusas a problem and plucked Xi Jinping’s father, Xi Zhongxun, out of politicalexile. His new task: to guard China’s “southern gate.”
XiZhongxun, then the party secretary of Guangdong Province, respondedat first by ramping up propaganda in Guangdong. The party exhorted residents tosing patriotic songs and study Mao Zedong Thought. It spread messages depictingHong Kong as home to evil capitalists. Still, people fled.
The elder Mr. Xitraveled around the province and found that in one border village, residentswere making one-50th what their neighbors in Hong Kong were making. Elsewhere,the disparity was even greater. That was when, according to official partylore, he realized that economic development — not ideological education — waskey.
“This was thelesson we learned from the facts,” Mr. Xi said when he reflected on thatperiod, according to Chen Bing’an, the author of a book about the history ofmainland escapees to Hong Kong, who interviewed the elder Mr. Xi in 2000.
The strategy waslargely successful. By 1989, when another wave of mainlanders fled to Hong Kongfollowing the crackdownon Tiananmen pro-democracy protesters in Beijing, grossdomestic product in Guangdong had grown nearly sixfold and the number ofillegal migrants fleeing from the mainland to Hong Kong had slowed to atrickle.
In Hong Kong, Mr.Wong hopped from job to job, working stints at a denim factory and as aconstruction worker. He regularly sent money back to his family. “Use this tobring Dad’s bones back,” he told his mother in a note sent along with part ofhis first paycheck.
He met and marrieda woman from the city, and they had two children. He saved up enough to buy twoapartments. For years, Mr. Wong was the envy of his siblings who had stayed inthe mainland. He had more freedom and more money to buy higher-quality goods.
But about a decadeago, he noticed the dynamic changing. His siblings were starting to becomewealthier. They bought bigger apartments. They had good government pensions.They were no longer so interested in visiting Hong Kong. Recently, when heasked them before the Mid-Autumn Festival if they wanted mooncakes from HongKong, he was stung when they said no.
“Now their livesare better than mine,” Mr. Wong said wistfully. “If I had known back then howdeveloped China would become, I never would have left.”
“现在他们的生活比我好多了，”王乐驹懊悔地说。“早知道中国发展得这么好，我就不会离开了。”
Mr. Wong’scommunity of mainland escapees in Hong Kong remains closely connected. Manyknew one another as children growing up back in Guangdong; others met later inHong Kong, through friends or through work. Now in their 60s and 70s, most ofthem retired, they gather regularly for dim sum, Ping-Pong sessions andmah-jongg tournaments.
But the recentturmoil in Hong Kong has exposed a new fault line within this typicallytight-knit community. Though most escapees initially fled to Hong Kong in searchof economic freedom, many, like Wu Hay-wing, a retired truck driver, saythey’ve come to wholeheartedly cherish the political freedoms they found oncethey arrived. Unlike Mr. Wong, the cellphone accessories seller, some in hisgroup regularly join the protests.
Still, there is a certain degree of nostalgia for the motherland. Many, even those who identify now as Hong Kongers, still maintain close ties with relatives on the mainland and make regular trips across the border. Some made large fortunes by leveraging their ties with the mainland.
In contrast, many among Hong Kong’s younger generation of protesters reject being connected to the mainland and assert what they see as a distinct and separate Hong Kong identity. Others accept Chinese rule but hope to pressure the party to loosen its grip over Hong Kong.
Mr. Wong’s son, Kenny, was in his early 20s when he began to grow concerned over Beijing’s influence. Protests had erupted in 2003 over the city’s attempt to impose national security laws. Later, when hordes of mainland travelers swept through the city to empty its shelves of baby milk powder and vaccines because of safety scandals in China, his anxiety grew.
Unlike his father, though, his feelings about the mainland have not changed with China’s rapid economic development.
与父亲不同，他对大陆的感情并没有随着中国经济的快速发展而改变。
“You can’t judge a place by money alone,” Kenny said at a recent interview at a cafe in the city’s financial district. “There also needs to be freedom.”
“你不能单凭钱来判断一个地方，”肯尼最近在香港金融区的一家咖啡馆接受采访时说。“还需要自由。”
Conscious of their already-strained relationship, the father and son have sought to avoid talking about the protests. Mr. Wong often grumbles that Hong Kong’s problem is a lack of patriotic education; children grow up without learning to be proud of all that China has achieved.
On that point, Kenny is in surprising agreement with his father. He referred in a separate interview to the Chinese term for patriotic — ai guo — which means, literally, “love country.”
HONG KONG — WongYue-kui watched with dismay as a live feed on television showed anti-governmentprotesters peacefullyoccupying an airport terminal in his city, Hong Kong. This isnot going to end well, he thought.
香港——王乐驹（音）绝望地看着电视直播画面显示，反政府抗议者和平占领了他所在城市香港的机场航站楼。他想，这不会有好结果的。
Then he saw hisson, Kenny, a 38-year-old insurance agent, among the black-clad demonstrators.For weeks, he had been arguing with him in the hope that he would step backfrom the increasinglyconfrontational protests.
然后他看到儿子，38岁的保险经纪人肯尼就在黑衣示威者当中。几周以来，他一直在和儿子争执，希望他能退出越来越有对抗性的抗议活动。
Mr. Wong, 65, abald, tough-looking man, had told his son that it was useless and foolish tochallenge China’s ruling Communist Party and the party’s handpicked localofficials. He himself had fled the mainland nearly half a century ago, swimmingfor hours to Hong Kong after his father died while being politically persecutedby the Communists.
现年65岁的王乐驹是个表情冷峻的秃顶男子，他告诉儿子，挑战中国共产党的统治以及党挑选的本地官员是无用的愚蠢行为。他本人在近半个世纪前，在父亲死于共产党的政治迫害后逃离了大陆，游了几个小时到了香港。
“Only politics cansolve political problems,” said Mr. Wong, who runs a cellphone accessoriesstall at a local market. “We ordinary people can’t solve these problems on ourown.”
“只有政治能解决政治问题，”王乐驹说，他在当地市场摆一个手机配件摊。“我们普通人靠自己解决不了这些问题。”
As Chinamarks 70 years of Communist rule, the semiautonomous territory ofHong Kong along its southern border is caught between two worlds. Many in Mr.Wong’s generation had fled the mainland during the excesses of the Mao Zedongera and found stability and a path out of poverty in Hong Kong. The memory ofpolitical turmoil and China’s startlingemergence in recent decades as an economic juggernaut haveserved as reminders that learning to get along with an increasingly powerfuland resilient Communist Party is key to survival.
在中国庆祝共产党统治70年之际，其南部边境的香港这个半自治领土被夹在了两个世界之间。王乐驹的很多同代人曾在毛泽东时代的混乱中逃离大陆，在香港找到了稳定和摆脱贫困的道路。对政治动荡的记忆，以及近几十年来中国作为经济大国的惊人崛起提醒人们，学会与日益强大和坚韧的共产党相处是生存的关键所在。
[Here is how China is preparing to exalt President XiJinping as its unassailable leaderexaltPresident Xi Jinping as its unassailable leader on NationalDay.]
[这里是中国如何准备在国庆将习近平推崇为不容置疑的领导人。]
But others, likehis son, Kenny, see the party’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s affairs in recentyears as a threatto cherished political freedoms unseen on the mainland. Andthey reject the territory’s political elite of bureaucrats and tycoons they seeas being more beholden to Beijing.
但另一些人看来——比如他的儿子肯尼——中共近年来对香港事务的侵犯，威胁到了大陆所没有的宝贵政治自由。他们也排斥香港由官僚和富商组成的政治精英，在他们看来，这些人对北京更加感恩戴德。
Theprotests, as many of them see it, are their last chance todefend the city for the next generation and challenge the party in ways thattheir predecessors had been unwilling. The protests have escalated in violenceand increasingly target Beijing: On Oct. 1, the anniversary, the protesterswill march to mark what they have called the “national tragedy” of the party’s70-year “aggression against China.”
在很多人看来，抗议活动是他们为了下一代捍卫香港，并以前辈人所一直不愿意的方式挑战这个党的最后的机会。抗议活动的暴力程度已经升级，并日益以北京为目标：10月1日国庆这一天，抗议者发起游行，纪念他们所称的共产党“侵略中国”这一“民族悲剧”70周年。
At the crux of thechallenge is how the party might redefine its sovereignty over the territory towin over those who fear or reject its authoritarian tendencies.
这场骚乱已成为对国家领导人习近平政治敏锐度的真切考验。挑战的关键在于，党如何重新定义对这片领土的主权，以争取到那些担心或排斥其威权倾向的人。
In tackling this,Mr. Xi may draw lessons from his father, a Communist revolutionary who faced asimilar challenge in China’s south decades ago. But China’s top leader couldfind that the promises of economic development that his father made might havelimited effect in the current crisis.
为解决这一问题，习近平可以从他的父亲身上汲取教训——一位几十年前在中国南方面临过类似挑战的共产党革命者。但中国的最高领导人可能会发现，他父亲所做的经济发展承诺，在当前的危机中可能影响有限。
Last month, Mr.Wong sent his son a cellphone video of a fight between a group of protestersand pro-government supporters, and urged him to stay home.
上个月，王乐驹给儿子发了一条手机视频，是一群抗议者和亲政府的支持者的混战，他劝儿子待在家里。
Kenny responded:“I wish you would remember the reason why you risked your life to come to HongKong back then.”
肯尼回复道：“我希望你不要忘记为什么当年冒着生命危险来香港。”
Life is differentnow, his father explained; he was poor back then. “But you are in a differentplace,” he said. “You have your own family, a child. Think about it carefully.”His message was clear: They have more to lose now.
今时不同往日，父亲解释道；他当年很穷。“但你身在一个不一样的地方，”他说。“你有自己的家，有个孩子。认真想想。”他的信息很明确：他们现在有更多可失去的东西。
For his son, thatwasn’t enough of a reason to stand down.
对他的儿子来说，这不足以成为后退的理由。
“What you did wasfor the sake of your mother and the future,” Kenny said. “It’s the same for me.I’m thinking about my son and the future.”
“你这样做是为了你的母亲和将来，”肯尼说。“我也一样。我在考虑我的儿子和将来。”
“Freedom swimmers”
“自由泳者”
In 1973, WongYue-kui was desperate to escape China.
1973年，王乐驹迫切地想逃离中国。
His father, a ricemerchant, had died five years earlier in a labor camp where the Communists hadsent him after they denounced him as a capitalist. Studentmilitants known as Red Guards had ransacked their home in thesouthern city of Guangzhou and seized the family’s valuables, including a jadebracelet his mother had hidden in a rice tank.
他的父亲是米商，五年前在一个劳改营去世，他是在被共产党打成资本家后送进那里的。被称为“红卫兵”的学生武装分子洗劫了他们在南方城市广州的家，没收了他们的贵重物品，包括他母亲藏在米缸里的一只玉镯。
Mr. Wong was 19years old, the fifth of six children, and he needed to find better paying workto support his family. He prepared to flee to Hong Kong. His cousin taught himhow to swim in a river, whacking him with a bamboo stick each time he reachedout to the riverbank. One day, they were ready.
王乐驹那年19岁，他在六个孩子中排行老五，需要找一份薪水更高的工作来养家糊口。他准备逃往香港。表哥教他下河游泳，每次他伸手到岸边，就用竹竿打他。有一天，他们准备好了。
For 15 days, Mr.Wong and his cousin hiked in the hills under cover of night to preventdetection by the border patrol. He survived on five mooncakes and a bag ofgrape sugar.
在15天的时间里，为了不被边境巡逻队发现，王乐驹和表哥在夜幕掩护下，在山间跋涉。他靠五个月饼和一袋葡萄糖活了下来。
At around 2 a.m.on Aug. 18, the two men stripped off their shirts — they had no otherpossessions — and plunged into the dark waters. Even from that distance, Mr.Wong could see the lights of Hong Kong’s buildings sparkling against the inkynight sky. Hong Kong — and freedom — seemed so close.
8月18日凌晨2点左右，两人脱掉衬衫——这是他们仅有的财产——跳进黑暗的水中。即使隔着这么远的距离，王乐驹也能看到香港建筑的灯光在漆黑的夜空下闪亮。香港——还有自由——似乎近在咫尺。
He swam as fast ashe could. Many escapees had been shot by border agents making the samecrossing, their bodies washing up on the shores of Hong Kong. He forced himselfto focus on getting there. Around five hours later, Mr. Wong crawled onto amuddy embankment. He had made it.
他用最快的速度游泳。许多逃亡者都是在同一个过境点被边防人员开枪打死的，他们的尸体被冲到香港海岸上。他强迫自己集中精力游向目标。大约五小时后，王乐驹爬上了泥泞的堤岸。他成功了。
Scholars estimatethat as many as one million people fled from China to Hong Kong during the Maoera. Risking death, some fled over the land border, others built boats and many— the so-called “freedom swimmers” — braved the waves head-on.
学者估计，在毛泽东时代，多达100万人从中国逃到香港。他们冒着生命危险，有的越过陆地边界，有的造船，还有很多所谓的“自由泳者”，勇敢地迎着海浪游向那里。
Villages inChina’s south had been emptied, farmland abandoned. The party saw this exodusas a problem and plucked Xi Jinping’s father, Xi Zhongxun, out of politicalexile. His new task: to guard China’s “southern gate.”
中国南方的村庄空空荡荡，农田被遗弃。中共认为这种人员外流是个问题，并将习近平的父亲习仲勋从政治流放中拉回来。他得到一项新任务：保卫中国的“南大门”。
XiZhongxun, then the party secretary of Guangdong Province, respondedat first by ramping up propaganda in Guangdong. The party exhorted residents tosing patriotic songs and study Mao Zedong Thought. It spread messages depictingHong Kong as home to evil capitalists. Still, people fled.
时任广东省委书记的习仲勋采取的措施，首先是在广东增加宣传。党号召居民唱爱国歌曲，学习毛泽东思想。它传播的信息将香港描绘成邪恶资本家的家园。不过，人们还是逃到那里去。
The elder Mr. Xitraveled around the province and found that in one border village, residentswere making one-50th what their neighbors in Hong Kong were making. Elsewhere,the disparity was even greater. That was when, according to official partylore, he realized that economic development — not ideological education — waskey.
习仲勋在整个广东省视察，发现在一个边境村庄，居民收入只有香港居民的五十分之一。在其他地方，差距甚至更大。根据党内的官方说法，就在那个时候，他意识到经济发展——而不是意识形态教育——才是关键。
“This was thelesson we learned from the facts,” Mr. Xi said when he reflected on thatperiod, according to Chen Bing’an, the author of a book about the history ofmainland escapees to Hong Kong, who interviewed the elder Mr. Xi in 2000.
据曾在2000年采访习仲勋的陈炳安的说法，习仲勋在反思那段时期时说：“这是我们从事实中得来的教训。”陈炳安著有一本关于大陆逃亡者的书。
The strategy waslargely successful. By 1989, when another wave of mainlanders fled to Hong Kongfollowing the crackdownon Tiananmen pro-democracy protesters in Beijing, grossdomestic product in Guangdong had grown nearly sixfold and the number ofillegal migrants fleeing from the mainland to Hong Kong had slowed to atrickle.
这一战略基本上是成功的。到了1989年，随着北京天安门民主抗议活动遭到镇压，又一波大陆人逃往香港，当时广东的国内生产总值增长了近6倍，从大陆逃到香港的非法移民人数已经极为稀少。
The Mainland Rises
大陆的崛起
In Hong Kong, Mr.Wong hopped from job to job, working stints at a denim factory and as aconstruction worker. He regularly sent money back to his family. “Use this tobring Dad’s bones back,” he told his mother in a note sent along with part ofhis first paycheck.
在香港，王乐驹换了一份又一份工作，他在一家牛仔服装厂做临时工，还做过建筑工人。他定期寄钱给家人。“用这个把爸的遗骨接回来，”领到第一笔薪水后，他在给妈妈寄钱时附上了这样一张字条。
He met and marrieda woman from the city, and they had two children. He saved up enough to buy twoapartments. For years, Mr. Wong was the envy of his siblings who had stayed inthe mainland. He had more freedom and more money to buy higher-quality goods.
他与一个香港女人相识并结婚，生了两个孩子。他攒够钱买了两套公寓。多年来，王乐驹一直是留在大陆的兄弟姐妹们羡慕的对象。他拥有更多的自由，有更多的钱，可以买到质量更好的商品。
But about a decadeago, he noticed the dynamic changing. His siblings were starting to becomewealthier. They bought bigger apartments. They had good government pensions.They were no longer so interested in visiting Hong Kong. Recently, when heasked them before the Mid-Autumn Festival if they wanted mooncakes from HongKong, he was stung when they said no.
但是，大约十年前，他注意到形势变了。他的兄弟姐妹变更富有了。他们买了更大的房子。他们得到很好的政府养老金。他们对去香港玩不再那么感兴趣了。最近，他在中秋节前问他们想不想要香港的月饼，他们说不用。
“Now their livesare better than mine,” Mr. Wong said wistfully. “If I had known back then howdeveloped China would become, I never would have left.”
“现在他们的生活比我好多了，”王乐驹懊悔地说。“早知道中国发展得这么好，我就不会离开了。”
Mr. Wong’scommunity of mainland escapees in Hong Kong remains closely connected. Manyknew one another as children growing up back in Guangdong; others met later inHong Kong, through friends or through work. Now in their 60s and 70s, most ofthem retired, they gather regularly for dim sum, Ping-Pong sessions andmah-jongg tournaments.
在香港，王乐驹所在的大陆逃港者社区仍然联系密切。很多从小在广东长大的人早就相互认识；还有些人是后来在香港通过朋友或工作关系认识的。现在他们已经六七十岁了，大多数人已经退休，他们定期聚在一起吃点心、打乒乓球、举行麻将比赛。
But the recentturmoil in Hong Kong has exposed a new fault line within this typicallytight-knit community. Though most escapees initially fled to Hong Kong in searchof economic freedom, many, like Wu Hay-wing, a retired truck driver, saythey’ve come to wholeheartedly cherish the political freedoms they found oncethey arrived. Unlike Mr. Wong, the cellphone accessories seller, some in hisgroup regularly join the protests.
但在这个联系一贯密切的社区，香港最近的动荡暴露了其中的一道全新的断层。虽然大多数逃到香港的人最初都是为了寻求经济自由，但也有很多人，比如退休卡车司机吴海荣（Wu Hay-wing，音）说，他们已经开始全心珍惜他们一到香港就发现的政治自由。与手机配件商王乐驹不同，他的群体当中，有些人经常参加抗议活动。
“The essence ofthe Communist Party has never changed — it is a totalitarian regime,” said Mr.Wu, 68, who made it to Hong Kong in an improvised boat.
“共产党的本质从来没有改变——它是个专制政权，”68岁的吴海荣说。
Mr. Wu said hefeared that Hong Kong would soon become just another mainland city.
吴海荣说，他担心香港很快就会变成又一个大陆城市。
“If that happens,what did I escape here for then?” said Mr. Wu. “All my efforts would have beenfor nothing.”
“如果是那样，我当初逃到这里来干什么？”吴海荣说。“我所有的努力都白费了。”
尽管如此，人们对祖国还是有着一定程度的怀念。许多人，甚至是那些现在已经认为自己是香港人的人，仍然与大陆的亲戚保持着密切的联系，并定期越境到大陆旅行。一些人利用与大陆的联系揽聚大量财富。
In contrast, many among Hong Kong’s younger generation of protesters reject being connected to the mainland and assert what they see as a distinct and separate Hong Kong identity. Others accept Chinese rule but hope to pressure the party to loosen its grip over Hong Kong.
相比之下，香港年轻一代的抗议者中，有许多人拒绝与大陆联系在一起，并坚持他们心目中独特而独立的香港身份。还有一些人接受中国的统治，但希望向共产党施压，让它放松对香港的控制。
Mr. Wong’s son, Kenny, was in his early 20s when he began to grow concerned over Beijing’s influence. Protests had erupted in 2003 over the city’s attempt to impose national security laws. Later, when hordes of mainland travelers swept through the city to empty its shelves of baby milk powder and vaccines because of safety scandals in China, his anxiety grew.
王乐驹的儿子肯尼20岁出头时，就开始担心北京的影响力。2003年，这座城市试图实施国家安全法，引发了抗议活动。后来，由于中国的安全丑闻，大批大陆游客涌入香港，将货架上的婴儿奶粉与疫苗横扫一空，令他愈发焦虑。
Unlike his father, though, his feelings about the mainland have not changed with China’s rapid economic development.
与父亲不同，他对大陆的感情并没有随着中国经济的快速发展而改变。
“You can’t judge a place by money alone,” Kenny said at a recent interview at a cafe in the city’s financial district. “There also needs to be freedom.”
“你不能单凭钱来判断一个地方，”肯尼最近在香港金融区的一家咖啡馆接受采访时说。“还需要自由。”
Conscious of their already-strained relationship, the father and son have sought to avoid talking about the protests. Mr. Wong often grumbles that Hong Kong’s problem is a lack of patriotic education; children grow up without learning to be proud of all that China has achieved.
意识到他们之间的关系变得紧张，父子俩试图避免谈论抗议活动。王乐驹经常抱怨香港的问题是缺乏爱国主义教育；孩子们在成长过程中没有学会为中国取得的成就感到骄傲。
On that point, Kenny is in surprising agreement with his father. He referred in a separate interview to the Chinese term for patriotic — ai guo — which means, literally, “love country.”
在这一点上，肯尼与父亲惊人地一致。在另一次采访中，他提到了对应patriotic的中文词——“爱国”。
“I can get behind loving the country,” he said, “but I cannot love the party.”
“我可以支持爱国，”他说，“但我不能爱党。”