【中英文对照】 1964年罗纳德•里根为美国共和党总统候选人巴里•戈德华特助选的演说，当时里根并未进入政界，他以一个电视节目主持人特有的方式向观众传达信息，被誉为“伟大的传播者”，名噪一时。不久后当选加利福尼亚州州长，从此开始了政界生涯。 里根许是二战后美国唯一一位能称得上是政治家（Statesman）的总统，所谓二流影星的说法是左翼媒体嘲笑里根的说法，反而暴露出他们的肤浅。里根从1941年当选好莱坞演员工会主席后，一直从政。他最初是民主党人，但是到了50年代，他的思想开始向右转，主要是因为他当时在全国巡回讲演，长期独立的思考而形成了自己对美国政治和国际关系的理论。其核心是对个人自由和民主政体的崇尚。1960年后，他转到共和党。1964年他在共和党大会上作了题为《抉择的时刻》，精彩演讲一举成名。今天听起来，依然能够感受到一个保守主义者的卓实远见。 罗纳德∙里根《抉择的时刻》 by Ronald Reagan 1964年10月27日 Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks. 谢谢，非常感谢。谢谢你们，晚上好。赞助商已经有了，但是跟大部分电视节目不一样的是，演员还没有台词。实际上，我被允许自己编写台词，来表达我自己对于我们在未来几个星期会面临的选择的观点。 I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line has been used, "We've never had it so good." 我的职业生涯中大部分时间都是一个民主党人，而最近我为自己选择了另一条道路。我相信这个问题一直在困扰着两个党派。现在，竞选阵营中的一方告诉我们，这次竞选中的问题是保持和平和繁荣，并且使用了这句话“我们从未如此的和平和繁荣”。 But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something on which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income. Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector's share, and yet our government continues to spend 17 million dollars a day more than the government takes in. We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years. We've raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations of the world. We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury； we don't own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims are 27.3 billion dollars. And we've just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value. 但是我有一种不祥之感，我们并不能把对未来的期望寄托在目前这样的繁荣之上。历史上没有任何一个国家可以在税赋达到全国收入三分之一的情况下生存。今天，这个国家的每一美元收入中，有37美分落入税务局的腰包，而我们的政府每天的支出要比收入多1700万美元。过去34年里，28年的预算未能持平。我们在过去一年中三次提高债务上限，现在我们国家的债务是世界上所有其它国家债务总和的1.5倍。我们的金库中存放着价值1500亿美元的黄金，但与我们没有丝毫 的关系，而且我们手中还有273亿美元的外国债务。我们刚刚宣布，1939年一美元的购买力相当于今天的45美分。 As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace？ There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us. We're at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars, and it's been said if we lose that war, and in so doing lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening. Well I think it's time we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers. 至于我们希望保留的和平，我在想，是否有人会找到那些丈夫或者儿子死在越南的妻子和母亲，问他们是否相信和平会永久持续下去。他们究竟是说和平，还是说我们想要被赐予和平？一个美国人为了我们在另一个国家献出生命，这不是和平。我们的敌人也曾亲眼见证人类从沼泽中经历了漫长的努力最终走上太空的过程。有人说，如果我们输掉这场战争，就等于失去了我们的自由，历史将会令人难以置信地记录下，输得最多的人竟然是为避免战争所做的努力最少的人。我想，我们该问问自己，是否还记得国父们曾经给予我们的自由究竟代表着什么。 Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said, "We don't know how lucky we are." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky you are？ I had someplace to escape to." And in that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here, there's no place to escape to. This is the last stand on earth. 不久前，我的两位朋友与一位古巴难民交谈，那是一位商人，刚刚逃离卡斯特罗的政权。在他讲述自己的故事过程中，我的一位朋友对另一位说：‘我们都不知道自己有多么幸运。’古巴人听到这句话，说：‘你们很幸运吗？我至少还有地方可以逃避。’这句话让我们明白了整个故事。如果我们在这里失去了自由，我们将无处可逃，这是地球上最后的一片净土。
And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except the sovereign people, is still the newest and the most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man. 这种政府对人民负有责任，以及它唯一的权力是统治人民的思想，依然是历史上最新、最独特的人与人之间的关系。 This is the issue of this election： Whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capitol can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves. 这场选举的问题是，我们是否相信自治的能力，抑或我们打算放弃美国独立战争的成果，告诉自己远在国会山的那帮知识分子们可以比我们自己更好地规划我们的生活。 You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right. Well I'd like to suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There's only an up or down —— [up] man's old —— old-aged dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism. And regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course. 有越来越多的声音告诉你和我，我们必须要选择左派或者右派。而我认为，根本没有所谓的左右，只有上下之分。上即人类最古老的梦想，在法律和秩序前提下个人的终极自由；下即彻头彻尾的极权主义。不管他们真诚的态度和人道主义的行为，那些用自由换安全的人已经开始走上下了坡路。 In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the "Great Society," or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people. But they've been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves； and all of the things I now will quote have appeared in print. These are not Republican accusations. For example, they have voices that say, "The cold war will end through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism." Another voice says, "The profit motive has become outmoded. It must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state." Or, "Our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century." Senator Full bright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to the President as "our moral teacher and our leader," and he says he is "hobbled in his task by the restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document." He must "be freed," so that he "can do for us" what he knows "is best." And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as "meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government." 在这个收获选票的季节里，他们却在说“伟大社会”。总统在前几天还告诉我们，必须接受一个更伟大的政府插手民众事务的行为。但是在历史上，在他们自己的身上，我们看到了更直言不讳的表达。我下面要引用的这些话都有据可查，并不是共和党的诬陷。例如，他们曾经说：“只要我们接受一个非不民主的社会主义制度，冷战就会结束。”令一个人说：“利益动机已近过时了，必须用福利社会的动机所取代。”。还有，“我们传统的个人自由体制已经无法解决20世纪的复杂问题。”参议员福尔布莱特在斯坦福大学说，宪法已经过时了，他说总统是“我们的道德导师和伟大领袖”，还说“这份古老的文件让他行使自身的权力时处处受限”。他必须“被解放”，这样他才可以用他认为“最好”的方式“为我们造福”。宾夕法尼亚州参议员克拉克是另一位口齿伶俐的说客，他把自由主义定义为“通过全能的中央政府满足民众的物质需求”。 Well, I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free men and women of this country, as "the masses." This is a term we haven't applied to ourselves in America. But beyond that, "the full power of centralized government" —— this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. They knew that governments don't control things. A government can't control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy. 我个人，对于用“民众”这个词来代表你和我，代表这个国家的男人和女人，感到愤怒。美国人不用这个词表示我们自己。而且，“全能的中央政府”，这恰恰是国父们力图规避的现象。他们知道政府不能为所欲为，政府不能让人民俯首听命，就不能控制经济。他们知道如果一个政府必须要这么做，就必须采取武力和强迫的手段。我们的国父还知道，脱离了立法机构，政府对经济的作用与私人经济体没有差别。 Now, we have no better example of this than government's involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Three-fourths of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce. You see, that one-fourth of farming —— that's regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the last three years we've spent 43 dollars in the feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we don't grow. 现在，要说明这一点，最好的例子是政府在过去30年里对农业经济的干预。从1955年开始，这个项目的成本几乎翻了一倍。美国四分之一的农场生产出85％的剩余农产品，四分之三的农场被排除在自由市场之外，而且人均农产品的消费增长了21％。你看到了，那四分之一的农场正是被联邦政府所控制和管理的。在过去三年里，我们为饲料谷物项目中每一斗我们根本没有种植的玉米付出了43美元的代价。 Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater, as President, would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he'll find out that we've had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. He'll also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress [an] extension of the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free. He'll find that they've also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal government. The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil. 参议员汉弗莱在上个星期要求巴里•戈德华特在成功当选总统之后，应当设法消除农民。他应该好好做一做功课，因为他会发现我们在这些政府的措施中，已经减少了500万农业人口。他会发现，民主党政府试图得到国会的批准，来延长这些农业项目持续的时间，以便把剩下四分之三自由的农业行为也收编进来。他还会发现，他们要求国会授予他们监禁农民的权力，仅仅是因为这些人不按联邦政府的要求记账。农业部长建议没收农民的所得，再卖给其他人。这样做所基于的理由就是联邦政府即将把200万农民赶离他们的土地。 At the same time, there's been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees. There's now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can't tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore. 与此同时，农业部的雇员数量在一直上升。现在的美国，每30个农民就有一位农业部政府职员，而他们还说不出前往奥地利的66船粮食究竟在哪里，Billie Sol Estes可一直没有离开这个国家。 Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy, but how —— who are farmers to know what's best for them？ The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up； the price of wheat to the farmer goes down. 每一个负责任的农民和农业组织都曾多次要求政府放松对农业的管控，但是农民怎么会搞的清楚什么是对自己最好的？麦农投票反对麦子种植项目，但政府还是通过了这项法令。现在，面包的价格在上涨，而农民手中小麦的价格在下降。 Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on. Private property rights [are] so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government planners decide it should be. In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a "more compatible use of the land." The President tells us he's now going to start building public housing units in the thousands, where heretofore we've only built them in the hundreds. But FHA [Federal Housing Authority] and the Veterans Administration tell us they have 120,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosure. For three decades, we've sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency. 现在让我们回到城市里，在城市改造的过程中，对自由的侵害随处可见。房地产私有的权力被极力淡化，以至于公众的利益被极少数政府规划者肆意践踏。在一个劫贫济富的项目里，我们看到俄亥俄州克里夫兰在三年前耗资150万美元建造的房屋必须要被拆除，原因是政府官员认为“可以更有效地利用这片土地”。总统告诉我们，他现在要开始投入数千美元建造公共住房，而在以前其实只需要数百美元。联邦住房管理局和退伍军人事业部说他们通过取消抵押贷款收回了12万套住房。三十年来，我们试图通过政府规划来解决失业问题，但是这些规划失败的越多，他们规划的就越多。最近的一个例子是地区再发展司。 They've just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over 30 million dollars on deposit in personal savings in their banks. And when the government tells you you're depressed, lie down and be depressed. 他们刚刚宣布堪萨斯的大米镇是经济萧条地区。堪萨斯的大米镇有200口油井、1.4万人口，他们在银行中的个人存款超过3000万美元。反正政府说你萧条了，你就老老实实地萧条吧。 We have so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So they're going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer —— and they've had almost 30 years of it —— shouldn't we expect government to read the score to us once in a while？ Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help？ The reduction in the need for public housing？ 如果看到一个瘦子旁边站着一个胖子，大部分人都会觉得胖子是占了瘦子的便宜才会变成那个样子。所以，他们打算通过政府和政府的规划来扫除人类的一切痛苦。如果政府的规划和福利政策找到了一些答案——他们有30年的时间来做这件事——难道不应该向我们通报一些数字吗？需要救助的人数每年降低了多少？对保障性住房的需求降低了多少？ But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater； the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night. Well that was probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we're told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year. Welfare spending [is] 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression. We're spending 45 billion dollars on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you'll find that if we divided the 45 billion dollars up equally among those 9 million poor families, we'd be able to give each family 4,600 dollars a year. And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty. Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running only about 600 dollars per family. It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead. 但事实却恰恰相反。每年的需求都在增长，项目变得越来越大。4年前我们被告知，每天晚上有1700万人饿着肚子上床睡觉。这或许是事实，因为有些人在减肥。但是现在我们知道，这个国家有930万个家庭处于年收入3000美元以下的贫困阶层。社会福利支出是大萧条时期的10倍，我们共投入了450亿美元。现在让我们稍微计算一下，你会发现，如果我们把这450亿美元平均分配给900万户家庭，每个家庭每年可以得到4600美元。加上他们自己的收入，足以脱离贫穷。然而，直接发放给穷人的救济款，只有每个家庭不到600美元。似乎有些环节的经费过高了。 Now —— so now we declare "war on poverty," or "You, too, can be a Bobby Baker." Now do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add 1 billion dollars to the 45 billion we're spending, one more program to the 30-odd we have —— and remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it just duplicates existing programs —— do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic？ Well, in all fairness I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated. This is the youth feature. We're now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps [Civilian Conservation Corps], and we're going to put our young people in these camps. But again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we're going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help 4,700 dollars a year. We can send them to Harvard for 2,700！ Course, don't get me wrong. I'm not suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency. 现在，我们“向贫穷宣战”，或者说“你也可以成为鲍比•贝克”。那么他们真的期望我们能够相信，在4500万美元的支出的基础上再加上10亿美元，在目前30多个项目上再加一个项目——记住，这个新项目不能取代现存的项目，而是多一个，他们真的相信贫穷会像变魔术一样突然消失吗？公平地说，这个新项目中的确有和从前重复的地方，就是年轻人问题。我们需要解决过早辍学和青少年犯罪问题，我们应该恢复平民保育团制度，把年轻人放到保育团中。但是让我们再计算一下数字，每年我们要为每一个问题青年支出4700美元，可是我们只需要2700美元就可以送他们去哈佛大学读书！当然，别误会，我并不是说解决青少年犯罪问题的根源在于哈佛大学。 But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help？ Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who'd come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month. She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise. She's eligible for 330 dollars a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who'd already done that very thing. 但是，严肃地说，对那些需要帮助的人我们都做了些什么？不久之前，洛杉矶的一位法官给我打电话。他告诉我，一个年轻的女人曾经来寻求他的帮助。她有6个孩子，正怀上第7个。在交谈中，她说她的丈夫是个工人，每个月收入250美元。她希望申请离婚，他们家庭的收入可以增长80美元，因为他符合未成年儿童援助计划每月330美元的救助条件。住在附近的两个女人告诉她这个方法，他们已经这么做了。 Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we're denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we're always "against" things —— we're never "for" anything. 然而每当我们向那些目光远大的社会改革家质问他们的计划时，我们都会遭到谴责，说我们反对他们的人道主义目标。他们说我们总是“反对”，从来不“支持”什么。 Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they're ignorant； it's just that they know so much that isn't so. 我们那些自由派的朋友们其实并不无知，他们完全了解事实并不是这样。 Now —— we're for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we've accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem. 现在，我们完全赞同失业并不等于贫困这个设想，原因众所周知。所以我们接受社会福利作为解决这个问题的第一步。 But we're against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood. They've called it "insurance" to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program. They only use the term "insurance" to sell it to the people. And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole. But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble. And they're doing just that. 但是我们反对他们在面临财务紧张时采取的欺骗行为，而且我们反对他们把所有对此项目提意见的人都说成是要停止救助那些以此为生的贫民。在交给我们的厚厚一摞的报告中，他们说这是“保险”，但是在面对最高法院作证时，他们说这是一项福利。只有在向群众推销的时候，他们才会用到“保险”这个词。他们还说，社会福利资金的缺口需要用政府的税收来填补，政府的确也是这么做的。事实是，这个缺口无法填补，精算师罗伯特•拜尔斯在国会中承认，社会福利资金目前有2980亿美元的缺口。但是他还说不需要担心，因为只要他们还有征税的权力，他们就可以随心所欲地抢走人民手中的一切，让自己摆脱困境。他们的确就是这么做的。 A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary —— his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65. The government promises 127. He could live it up until he's 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis, so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they're due —— that the cupboard isn't bare？ 一个27岁的年轻人，有一个平均水平的工资收入。在开放性市场中，他的社会福利缴费相当于一份保险，确保他在65岁之后每个月可以拿到220美元。而政府的承诺是217美元。他可以享受目前的生活，直到31岁，这时突然出现了一项政策，说他需要缴纳的不仅仅是社会福利保险。难道我们就这么缺乏商业头脑，不能给这个项目找一些更坚实的基础吗？当人们真正需要这笔钱来安度晚年时，他们难道不会发现金库已经空空如也了吗？ Barry Goldwater thinks we can. 巴里•戈德华特说我们可以。 At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provision for the non-earning years？ Should we not allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband？ Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do？ I think we're for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we're against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt. They've come to the end of the road. 与此同时，我们难道不能让公民在有证据显示没有收入的情况下，退出福利制度吗？难道不能让一个有孩子要抚养，还需要工作的寡妇，依然得到本应由他死去的丈夫支付的福利项目吗？你和我难道不能宣布我们在这些福利政策下一无所获吗？我认为，我们应道告诉每一位尊敬的公民，在这个国家里，没有人会因为囊中羞涩而无法得到医疗服务。但是我们反对强迫所有公民——不管他们需要还是不需要——参与政府的福利项目。尤其是当我们在上个星期听说，法国宣布它的医疗福利制度已经破产，无路可走了。 In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's worth, and not 45 cents worth？ 还有，当巴里•戈德华特说我们的政府蓄意制造通货膨胀，让你们拿到手的每一美元退休金只相当于45美分的购买力时，他是在不负责任地乱说吗？ I think we're for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we're against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world's population. I think we're against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations. 我想我们应该支持一个国际组织，世界上所有的国家都可以在那里谋求和平。但是我们应该反对让美国的利益屈服于一个结构混乱的组织，你甚至可以在代表全世界人口不到10％的会员中轻而易举地拿到三分之二的投票。我想我们应该反对虚伪地攻击我们的盟友，仅仅因为他们与另一个集团有些瓜葛，而我们自己却对苏联在周边国家奴役人民的事情睁一只眼闭一只眼。 I think we're for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we're against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. We set out to help 19 countries. We're helping 107. We've spent 146 billion dollars. With that money, we bought a 2 million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya[n] government officials. We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity. In the last six years, 52 nations have bought 7 billion dollars worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country. 我们支持给那些与我们共享基本信念的盟友提供物质援助，但是我们反对政府与政府之间的金钱交易，这不但会在全世界范围内培养官僚习气，甚至会滋生社会主义苗头。刚开始的时候，我们帮助19个国家，现在的援助对象是107个国家。我们花费了1460亿美元。我们用这些钱给海尔•塞拉西购买了一艘价值200万美元的游艇，给希腊殡葬业者购买了工作服，给肯尼亚政府官员买来更多的老婆，还给根本没有电力供应的人购买了一千台电视机。在过去6年里，52个国家购买了我们价值70亿美元的黄金，而这52个国家都在接受我们的援助。 No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. So.governments' programs, once launched, never disappear. 任何一个政府都不愿主动放低身段。所以政府的项目一旦启动，就不会停止。 Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this earth. 实际上，一个政府机构是我们在这个世界上所能见到的最接近于长生不老的东西。 Federal employees —— federal employees number two and a half million； and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation's work force employed by government. These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property without a warrant？ They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury？ And they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine. In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier over-planted his rice allotment. The government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment. And a U.S. marshal sold his 960-acre farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work. 联邦雇员——现在的数量是250万人——包括联邦、州和地方的政府雇员，全国六分之一的劳动力为政府效力。这些不断扩张的庞大机构，以及他们所发明出来的成千上万条规定，剥夺了我们太多宪法赋予的权利。有多少人会相信今天的联邦探员没有搜查令就敢闯入私人住宅？不经听证就给予罚款，更不用提有陪审员在列的审判了。他们还敢没收、拍卖房产来强迫对方支付罚款。在阿肯色州的奇科镇，詹姆斯•威尔种植的大米数量超过了定额，政府在审判后得到了1.7万美元的赔偿，一位警察局长拍卖了他占地960英亩的农场。政府说，为了让这套制度得以贯彻，这是必要的手段。 Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-times candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's exactly what he will do. 去年2月19日在明尼苏达大学，连任6次社会党总统候选人的诺曼•汤姆斯说：“如果巴里•戈德华特当选总统，他会停止社会主义在美国的发展。”我想他的确会这么做的。 But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died —— because to this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England. 但是作为一个前民主党成员，我可以告诉你，诺曼•汤姆斯不是唯一一个把社会主义与现任政府扯上关系的人。1936年，伟大民主党派人士的阿尔•史密斯率先指责他的党派，说它让这个拥有杰斐逊、杰克逊和克里夫兰等著名人物的党派走在马克思、列宁和斯大林的旗帜下。他脱离了这个党派，致死也没有回心转意。今天，这个党的领导人正在把这个具有无限荣耀的党派推上英国社会劳工党的道路。 Now it doesn't require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people. What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the —— or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property？ And such machinery already exists. The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment. 想要把社会主义强加在人们的头上，根本不需要没收私人的财产和生意。如果政府对财产和商业持有生杀予夺的大权，你手中的房契和经营资质有什么用呢？这样的机制已经形成了，政府可以找各种各样的借口来对付它认为看不顺眼的事情。每个商人都有自己的血泪史，我们的国家变质了。我们那与生俱来、不可剥夺的权利即将变成政府的恩典，自由从未如此脆弱，从未像现在一样即将从我们的手中滑落。 Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men —— that we're to choose just between two personalities. 我们的民主党对手似乎不愿意讨论这个问题。他们试图让你和我相信，这是两个人之间的战争，我们必须要在两种人格之间做出选择。 Well what of this man that they would destroy —— and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear？ Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is？ Well I've been privileged to know him "when." I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I've never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing. 那么，他们试图诋毁的是一个什么人呢？所谓诋毁，他们的做法是扼杀他所代表的那些我们奉若真理的思想。他真的是那种被他们描述成傲慢、浅薄、暴躁的人吗？我很荣幸，在他把总统职位作为人生目标很久之前就认识他。我可以负责任地告诉你，我一生中从来没见过这样一个不会做欺骗、丢脸事情的人。 This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work. He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there. 这个人，在他步入政坛之前，用自己的生意设立了一个福利分享计划，那时候工会还根本没有想到这些问题。他为自己所有的员工都购买了健康和医疗保险。他把税前50％的利润用作退休金，所有员工都可以享用。一个员工在工作期间患病，他每月都会寄去生活费。他还为员工的子女提供看护服务。墨西哥格兰德河发生洪水灾害，他登上飞机，送去药品和其它物资。 An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he said that [there were] a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, "Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such," and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he'd load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load. 一名前美军士兵告诉我是如何与他见面的。那是朝鲜战争期间的圣诞节前夕，他在洛杉矶机场准备飞回亚利桑那州过圣诞节。他说，机场有很多军人，买不到机票。这时候机场突然广播：“所有计划飞往亚利桑那州的军人，请到跑道上来……”他们来到跑道，看到一个叫巴里•戈德华特的人坐在自己的飞机上。在圣诞节之前的几个星期里，他每一天都会让飞机满载军人飞往亚利桑那，飞回他们的家乡，然后再飞回来。 During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, "There aren't many left who care what happens to her. I'd like her to know I care." This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, "There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start." This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I've discussed academic, unless we realize we're in a war that must be won. 在极为繁忙的竞选活动中，这个人还会花时间坐在一个罹患肺癌即将去世的老朋友身边。他的竞选经理显得很不耐烦，但是他说：“真正关心她的人已经不多了，我要让她知道，我是其中一个。”这个人对他19岁的儿子说：“坚实的基础是由城市和公平构成的，你要在这样的平台上开始你的生活，用上帝的信仰建起高楼大厦，这才是真正的人生。”这个人不会毫无顾忌地把别人的孩子送上战场，竞选中的这个问题让我曾经谈过的所有其它问题不值一提，除非我们意识到自己身处于一场必胜的战争。 Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They call their policy "accommodation." And they say if we'll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he'll forget his evil ways and learn to love us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers. They say we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple answer —— not an easy answer —— but simple： If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right. 那些用我们的自由换取流动餐车的人告诉我们，他们有一个乌托邦式的方案来获取和平。他们管这项政策叫做“迁就”，他们说，如果我们可以避免与敌人的正面冲突，对方就会忘记邪恶的念头，进而爱上我们。所有反对这项政策的人都被贴上了战争贩子的标签，因为他们说这时解决复杂问题的简单方法。或许的确有一个简单的方法，但并不容易做到：如果你和我有勇气告诉政府的官员们，我们希望国家的政策可以遵从内心的道德标准。 We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain, "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we're willing to make a deal with your slave masters." Alexander Hamilton said, "A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one." Now let's set the record straight. There's no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there's only one guaranteed way you can have peace —— and you can have it in the next second —— surrender. 武力威胁买不来自由，我们不能恬不知耻地对被奴役在铁幕后的10亿人说：“为了让我们全身而退，你们要放弃自由的梦想，因为我们打算和你们的主子达成协议。”亚历山大•汉密尔顿说：“一个屈服于威胁的国家就是在等待着奴隶主的降临，他们需要一个奴隶主。”让我们把话说明白，在战争与和平之间的选择已经没有什么可以讨论的了，但是有一个方法可以让你得到和平，而且是近在眼前的和平，那就是投降。 Admittedly, there's a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face —— that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender. If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand —— the ultimatum. And what then —— when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be？ He has told them that we're retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that time we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically. He believes this because from our side he's heard voices pleading for "peace at any price" or "better Red than dead," or as one commentator put it, he'd rather "live on his knees than die on his feet." And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't speak for the rest of us. 必须承认，除此之外的所有道路都隐藏着危险。但是历史上无数的事实告诉我们，绥靖政策隐含着更大的危险，而这正是那些善良的自由主义朋友们拒绝面对的事实——即他们的迁就就是绥靖政策，他们给出的选择不是战争与和平，而是反抗和投降。如果我们继续迁就，继续退却，最终将面对一个最后通牒。到了那个时候，尼基塔•赫鲁晓夫会告诉他的人民我们的答案是什么呢？他会说，我们在冷战的压力之下节节败退。当最后通牒降临的时候，我们的投降是不由自主的，因为到那时候，我们在精神、道德和经济层面上都已经千疮百孔。他坚信这一点，因为他已经听到“不惜一切代价换取和平”和“宁红不死”等言论。还有一位评论人士说，他宁可“跪着生，不愿站着死”。这或许会真的引导我们走上战争的道路，因为这些声音并不能代表我们。 You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin —— just in the face of this enemy？ Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs？ Should Christ have refused the cross？ Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the world？ The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn't die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace？ Well it's a simple answer after all. 你和我都知道，并且相信，生活是如此的珍贵，和平如此甜美，让我们愿意付出镣铐和奴役的代价。如果生活中没有什么是值得用生命来换取的，那么我们怎么会勇敢地站在敌人的面前？摩西会告诉以色列的人的子孙接受法老的奴役吗？基督会拒绝十字架吗？康科德河的爱国者会丢下枪，让那响彻全世界的枪声从未出现吗？历史中的烈士并不是傻瓜，为阻止纳粹而献出生命的英雄们不会白白死去。那么，通往和平之路究竟在哪里？答案其实很简单。 You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will not pay." "There is a point beyond which they must not advance." And this —— this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength." Winston Churchill said, "The destiny of man is not measured by material computations. When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we're spirits —— not animals." And he said, "There's something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty." 你和我都有勇气面对敌人说：“有些代价我们不会付出。”“有些界限我们永远不会逾越。”这就是巴里•戈德华特“强力和平”口号的含义。温斯顿•丘吉尔曾经说：“人类的命运并非某种物质的集合。当邪恶势力横行时，我们会发现自己以精神方式而存在，我们不是动物。”他还说：“有些东西贯穿并超越整个时空，那就是——无论你是否喜欢——责任。” You and I have a rendezvous with destiny. 你和我与命运有个约会。 We'll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we'll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness. 我们将为子孙后代保留人类最美好的希望，或者我们可以把这些希望变成千年的黑暗。 We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny. 我们将记住，巴里•戈德华特对我们有信心。他相信，你和我有能力、有尊严、有权利做出我们自己的决定、引导我们自己的命运。 Thank you very much. 非常感谢。
1964年罗纳德•里根为美国共和党总统候选人巴里•戈德华特助选的演说，当时里根并未进入政界，他以一个电视节目主持人特有的方式向观众传达信息，被誉为“伟大的传播者”，名噪一时。不久后当选加利福尼亚州州长，从此开始了政界生涯。
里根许是二战后美国唯一一位能称得上是政治家（Statesman）的总统，所谓二流影星的说法是左翼媒体嘲笑里根的说法，反而暴露出他们的肤浅。里根从1941年当选好莱坞演员工会主席后，一直从政。他最初是民主党人，但是到了50年代，他的思想开始向右转，主要是因为他当时在全国巡回讲演，长期独立的思考而形成了自己对美国政治和国际关系的理论。其核心是对个人自由和民主政体的崇尚。1960年后，他转到共和党。1964年他在共和党大会上作了题为《抉择的时刻》，精彩演讲一举成名。今天听起来，依然能够感受到一个保守主义者的卓实远见。
罗纳德∙里根《抉择的时刻》
by Ronald Reagan
1964年10月27日
Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.
谢谢，非常感谢。谢谢你们，晚上好。赞助商已经有了，但是跟大部分电视节目不一样的是，演员还没有台词。实际上，我被允许自己编写台词，来表达我自己对于我们在未来几个星期会面临的选择的观点。
I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line has been used, "We've never had it so good."
我的职业生涯中大部分时间都是一个民主党人，而最近我为自己选择了另一条道路。我相信这个问题一直在困扰着两个党派。现在，竞选阵营中的一方告诉我们，这次竞选中的问题是保持和平和繁荣，并且使用了这句话“我们从未如此的和平和繁荣”。
But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something on which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income. Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector's share, and yet our government continues to spend 17 million dollars a day more than the government takes in. We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years. We've raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations of the world. We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury； we don't own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims are 27.3 billion dollars. And we've just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value.
但是我有一种不祥之感，我们并不能把对未来的期望寄托在目前这样的繁荣之上。历史上没有任何一个国家可以在税赋达到全国收入三分之一的情况下生存。今天，这个国家的每一美元收入中，有37美分落入税务局的腰包，而我们的政府每天的支出要比收入多1700万美元。过去34年里，28年的预算未能持平。我们在过去一年中三次提高债务上限，现在我们国家的债务是世界上所有其它国家债务总和的1.5倍。我们的金库中存放着价值1500亿美元的黄金，但与我们没有丝毫 的关系，而且我们手中还有273亿美元的外国债务。我们刚刚宣布，1939年一美元的购买力相当于今天的45美分。
As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace？ There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us. We're at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars, and it's been said if we lose that war, and in so doing lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening. Well I think it's time we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.
至于我们希望保留的和平，我在想，是否有人会找到那些丈夫或者儿子死在越南的妻子和母亲，问他们是否相信和平会永久持续下去。他们究竟是说和平，还是说我们想要被赐予和平？一个美国人为了我们在另一个国家献出生命，这不是和平。我们的敌人也曾亲眼见证人类从沼泽中经历了漫长的努力最终走上太空的过程。有人说，如果我们输掉这场战争，就等于失去了我们的自由，历史将会令人难以置信地记录下，输得最多的人竟然是为避免战争所做的努力最少的人。我想，我们该问问自己，是否还记得国父们曾经给予我们的自由究竟代表着什么。
Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said, "We don't know how lucky we are." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky you are？ I had someplace to escape to." And in that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here, there's no place to escape to. This is the last stand on earth.
不久前，我的两位朋友与一位古巴难民交谈，那是一位商人，刚刚逃离卡斯特罗的政权。在他讲述自己的故事过程中，我的一位朋友对另一位说：‘我们都不知道自己有多么幸运。’古巴人听到这句话，说：‘你们很幸运吗？我至少还有地方可以逃避。’这句话让我们明白了整个故事。如果我们在这里失去了自由，我们将无处可逃，这是地球上最后的一片净土。
这种政府对人民负有责任，以及它唯一的权力是统治人民的思想，依然是历史上最新、最独特的人与人之间的关系。
This is the issue of this election： Whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capitol can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.
这场选举的问题是，我们是否相信自治的能力，抑或我们打算放弃美国独立战争的成果，告诉自己远在国会山的那帮知识分子们可以比我们自己更好地规划我们的生活。
You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right. Well I'd like to suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There's only an up or down —— [up] man's old —— old-aged dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism. And regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course.
有越来越多的声音告诉你和我，我们必须要选择左派或者右派。而我认为，根本没有所谓的左右，只有上下之分。上即人类最古老的梦想，在法律和秩序前提下个人的终极自由；下即彻头彻尾的极权主义。不管他们真诚的态度和人道主义的行为，那些用自由换安全的人已经开始走上下了坡路。
In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the "Great Society," or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people. But they've been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves； and all of the things I now will quote have appeared in print. These are not Republican accusations. For example, they have voices that say, "The cold war will end through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism." Another voice says, "The profit motive has become outmoded. It must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state." Or, "Our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century." Senator Full bright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to the President as "our moral teacher and our leader," and he says he is "hobbled in his task by the restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document." He must "be freed," so that he "can do for us" what he knows "is best." And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as "meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government."
在这个收获选票的季节里，他们却在说“伟大社会”。总统在前几天还告诉我们，必须接受一个更伟大的政府插手民众事务的行为。但是在历史上，在他们自己的身上，我们看到了更直言不讳的表达。我下面要引用的这些话都有据可查，并不是共和党的诬陷。例如，他们曾经说：“只要我们接受一个非不民主的社会主义制度，冷战就会结束。”令一个人说：“利益动机已近过时了，必须用福利社会的动机所取代。”。还有，“我们传统的个人自由体制已经无法解决20世纪的复杂问题。”参议员福尔布莱特在斯坦福大学说，宪法已经过时了，他说总统是“我们的道德导师和伟大领袖”，还说“这份古老的文件让他行使自身的权力时处处受限”。他必须“被解放”，这样他才可以用他认为“最好”的方式“为我们造福”。宾夕法尼亚州参议员克拉克是另一位口齿伶俐的说客，他把自由主义定义为“通过全能的中央政府满足民众的物质需求”。
Well, I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free men and women of this country, as "the masses." This is a term we haven't applied to ourselves in America. But beyond that, "the full power of centralized government" —— this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. They knew that governments don't control things. A government can't control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy.
我个人，对于用“民众”这个词来代表你和我，代表这个国家的男人和女人，感到愤怒。美国人不用这个词表示我们自己。而且，“全能的中央政府”，这恰恰是国父们力图规避的现象。他们知道政府不能为所欲为，政府不能让人民俯首听命，就不能控制经济。他们知道如果一个政府必须要这么做，就必须采取武力和强迫的手段。我们的国父还知道，脱离了立法机构，政府对经济的作用与私人经济体没有差别。
Now, we have no better example of this than government's involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Three-fourths of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce. You see, that one-fourth of farming —— that's regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the last three years we've spent 43 dollars in the feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we don't grow.
现在，要说明这一点，最好的例子是政府在过去30年里对农业经济的干预。从1955年开始，这个项目的成本几乎翻了一倍。美国四分之一的农场生产出85％的剩余农产品，四分之三的农场被排除在自由市场之外，而且人均农产品的消费增长了21％。你看到了，那四分之一的农场正是被联邦政府所控制和管理的。在过去三年里，我们为饲料谷物项目中每一斗我们根本没有种植的玉米付出了43美元的代价。
Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater, as President, would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he'll find out that we've had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. He'll also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress [an] extension of the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free. He'll find that they've also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal government. The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil.
参议员汉弗莱在上个星期要求巴里•戈德华特在成功当选总统之后，应当设法消除农民。他应该好好做一做功课，因为他会发现我们在这些政府的措施中，已经减少了500万农业人口。他会发现，民主党政府试图得到国会的批准，来延长这些农业项目持续的时间，以便把剩下四分之三自由的农业行为也收编进来。他还会发现，他们要求国会授予他们监禁农民的权力，仅仅是因为这些人不按联邦政府的要求记账。农业部长建议没收农民的所得，再卖给其他人。这样做所基于的理由就是联邦政府即将把200万农民赶离他们的土地。
At the same time, there's been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees. There's now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can't tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore.
与此同时，农业部的雇员数量在一直上升。现在的美国，每30个农民就有一位农业部政府职员，而他们还说不出前往奥地利的66船粮食究竟在哪里，Billie Sol Estes可一直没有离开这个国家。
Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy, but how —— who are farmers to know what's best for them？ The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up； the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.
每一个负责任的农民和农业组织都曾多次要求政府放松对农业的管控，但是农民怎么会搞的清楚什么是对自己最好的？麦农投票反对麦子种植项目，但政府还是通过了这项法令。现在，面包的价格在上涨，而农民手中小麦的价格在下降。
Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on. Private property rights [are] so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government planners decide it should be. In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a "more compatible use of the land." The President tells us he's now going to start building public housing units in the thousands, where heretofore we've only built them in the hundreds. But FHA [Federal Housing Authority] and the Veterans Administration tell us they have 120,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosure. For three decades, we've sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency.
现在让我们回到城市里，在城市改造的过程中，对自由的侵害随处可见。房地产私有的权力被极力淡化，以至于公众的利益被极少数政府规划者肆意践踏。在一个劫贫济富的项目里，我们看到俄亥俄州克里夫兰在三年前耗资150万美元建造的房屋必须要被拆除，原因是政府官员认为“可以更有效地利用这片土地”。总统告诉我们，他现在要开始投入数千美元建造公共住房，而在以前其实只需要数百美元。联邦住房管理局和退伍军人事业部说他们通过取消抵押贷款收回了12万套住房。三十年来，我们试图通过政府规划来解决失业问题，但是这些规划失败的越多，他们规划的就越多。最近的一个例子是地区再发展司。
They've just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over 30 million dollars on deposit in personal savings in their banks. And when the government tells you you're depressed, lie down and be depressed.
他们刚刚宣布堪萨斯的大米镇是经济萧条地区。堪萨斯的大米镇有200口油井、1.4万人口，他们在银行中的个人存款超过3000万美元。反正政府说你萧条了，你就老老实实地萧条吧。
We have so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So they're going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer —— and they've had almost 30 years of it —— shouldn't we expect government to read the score to us once in a while？ Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help？ The reduction in the need for public housing？
如果看到一个瘦子旁边站着一个胖子，大部分人都会觉得胖子是占了瘦子的便宜才会变成那个样子。所以，他们打算通过政府和政府的规划来扫除人类的一切痛苦。如果政府的规划和福利政策找到了一些答案——他们有30年的时间来做这件事——难道不应该向我们通报一些数字吗？需要救助的人数每年降低了多少？对保障性住房的需求降低了多少？
But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater； the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night. Well that was probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we're told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year. Welfare spending [is] 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression. We're spending 45 billion dollars on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you'll find that if we divided the 45 billion dollars up equally among those 9 million poor families, we'd be able to give each family 4,600 dollars a year. And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty. Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running only about 600 dollars per family. It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead.
但事实却恰恰相反。每年的需求都在增长，项目变得越来越大。4年前我们被告知，每天晚上有1700万人饿着肚子上床睡觉。这或许是事实，因为有些人在减肥。但是现在我们知道，这个国家有930万个家庭处于年收入3000美元以下的贫困阶层。社会福利支出是大萧条时期的10倍，我们共投入了450亿美元。现在让我们稍微计算一下，你会发现，如果我们把这450亿美元平均分配给900万户家庭，每个家庭每年可以得到4600美元。加上他们自己的收入，足以脱离贫穷。然而，直接发放给穷人的救济款，只有每个家庭不到600美元。似乎有些环节的经费过高了。
Now —— so now we declare "war on poverty," or "You, too, can be a Bobby Baker." Now do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add 1 billion dollars to the 45 billion we're spending, one more program to the 30-odd we have —— and remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it just duplicates existing programs —— do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic？ Well, in all fairness I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated. This is the youth feature. We're now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps [Civilian Conservation Corps], and we're going to put our young people in these camps. But again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we're going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help 4,700 dollars a year. We can send them to Harvard for 2,700！ Course, don't get me wrong. I'm not suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.
现在，我们“向贫穷宣战”，或者说“你也可以成为鲍比•贝克”。那么他们真的期望我们能够相信，在4500万美元的支出的基础上再加上10亿美元，在目前30多个项目上再加一个项目——记住，这个新项目不能取代现存的项目，而是多一个，他们真的相信贫穷会像变魔术一样突然消失吗？公平地说，这个新项目中的确有和从前重复的地方，就是年轻人问题。我们需要解决过早辍学和青少年犯罪问题，我们应该恢复平民保育团制度，把年轻人放到保育团中。但是让我们再计算一下数字，每年我们要为每一个问题青年支出4700美元，可是我们只需要2700美元就可以送他们去哈佛大学读书！当然，别误会，我并不是说解决青少年犯罪问题的根源在于哈佛大学。
But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help？ Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who'd come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month. She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise. She's eligible for 330 dollars a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who'd already done that very thing.
但是，严肃地说，对那些需要帮助的人我们都做了些什么？不久之前，洛杉矶的一位法官给我打电话。他告诉我，一个年轻的女人曾经来寻求他的帮助。她有6个孩子，正怀上第7个。在交谈中，她说她的丈夫是个工人，每个月收入250美元。她希望申请离婚，他们家庭的收入可以增长80美元，因为他符合未成年儿童援助计划每月330美元的救助条件。住在附近的两个女人告诉她这个方法，他们已经这么做了。
Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we're denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we're always "against" things —— we're never "for" anything.
然而每当我们向那些目光远大的社会改革家质问他们的计划时，我们都会遭到谴责，说我们反对他们的人道主义目标。他们说我们总是“反对”，从来不“支持”什么。
Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they're ignorant； it's just that they know so much that isn't so.
我们那些自由派的朋友们其实并不无知，他们完全了解事实并不是这样。
Now —— we're for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we've accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.
现在，我们完全赞同失业并不等于贫困这个设想，原因众所周知。所以我们接受社会福利作为解决这个问题的第一步。
But we're against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood. They've called it "insurance" to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program. They only use the term "insurance" to sell it to the people. And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole. But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble. And they're doing just that.
但是我们反对他们在面临财务紧张时采取的欺骗行为，而且我们反对他们把所有对此项目提意见的人都说成是要停止救助那些以此为生的贫民。在交给我们的厚厚一摞的报告中，他们说这是“保险”，但是在面对最高法院作证时，他们说这是一项福利。只有在向群众推销的时候，他们才会用到“保险”这个词。他们还说，社会福利资金的缺口需要用政府的税收来填补，政府的确也是这么做的。事实是，这个缺口无法填补，精算师罗伯特•拜尔斯在国会中承认，社会福利资金目前有2980亿美元的缺口。但是他还说不需要担心，因为只要他们还有征税的权力，他们就可以随心所欲地抢走人民手中的一切，让自己摆脱困境。他们的确就是这么做的。
A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary —— his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65. The government promises 127. He could live it up until he's 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis, so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they're due —— that the cupboard isn't bare？
一个27岁的年轻人，有一个平均水平的工资收入。在开放性市场中，他的社会福利缴费相当于一份保险，确保他在65岁之后每个月可以拿到220美元。而政府的承诺是217美元。他可以享受目前的生活，直到31岁，这时突然出现了一项政策，说他需要缴纳的不仅仅是社会福利保险。难道我们就这么缺乏商业头脑，不能给这个项目找一些更坚实的基础吗？当人们真正需要这笔钱来安度晚年时，他们难道不会发现金库已经空空如也了吗？
Barry Goldwater thinks we can.
巴里•戈德华特说我们可以。
At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provision for the non-earning years？ Should we not allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband？ Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do？ I think we're for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we're against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt. They've come to the end of the road.
与此同时，我们难道不能让公民在有证据显示没有收入的情况下，退出福利制度吗？难道不能让一个有孩子要抚养，还需要工作的寡妇，依然得到本应由他死去的丈夫支付的福利项目吗？你和我难道不能宣布我们在这些福利政策下一无所获吗？我认为，我们应道告诉每一位尊敬的公民，在这个国家里，没有人会因为囊中羞涩而无法得到医疗服务。但是我们反对强迫所有公民——不管他们需要还是不需要——参与政府的福利项目。尤其是当我们在上个星期听说，法国宣布它的医疗福利制度已经破产，无路可走了。
In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's worth, and not 45 cents worth？
还有，当巴里•戈德华特说我们的政府蓄意制造通货膨胀，让你们拿到手的每一美元退休金只相当于45美分的购买力时，他是在不负责任地乱说吗？
I think we're for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we're against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world's population. I think we're against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations.
我想我们应该支持一个国际组织，世界上所有的国家都可以在那里谋求和平。但是我们应该反对让美国的利益屈服于一个结构混乱的组织，你甚至可以在代表全世界人口不到10％的会员中轻而易举地拿到三分之二的投票。我想我们应该反对虚伪地攻击我们的盟友，仅仅因为他们与另一个集团有些瓜葛，而我们自己却对苏联在周边国家奴役人民的事情睁一只眼闭一只眼。
I think we're for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we're against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. We set out to help 19 countries. We're helping 107. We've spent 146 billion dollars. With that money, we bought a 2 million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya[n] government officials. We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity. In the last six years, 52 nations have bought 7 billion dollars worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country.
我们支持给那些与我们共享基本信念的盟友提供物质援助，但是我们反对政府与政府之间的金钱交易，这不但会在全世界范围内培养官僚习气，甚至会滋生社会主义苗头。刚开始的时候，我们帮助19个国家，现在的援助对象是107个国家。我们花费了1460亿美元。我们用这些钱给海尔•塞拉西购买了一艘价值200万美元的游艇，给希腊殡葬业者购买了工作服，给肯尼亚政府官员买来更多的老婆，还给根本没有电力供应的人购买了一千台电视机。在过去6年里，52个国家购买了我们价值70亿美元的黄金，而这52个国家都在接受我们的援助。
No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. So.governments' programs, once launched, never disappear.
任何一个政府都不愿主动放低身段。所以政府的项目一旦启动，就不会停止。
Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this earth.
实际上，一个政府机构是我们在这个世界上所能见到的最接近于长生不老的东西。
Federal employees —— federal employees number two and a half million； and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation's work force employed by government. These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property without a warrant？ They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury？ And they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine. In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier over-planted his rice allotment. The government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment. And a U.S. marshal sold his 960-acre farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work.
联邦雇员——现在的数量是250万人——包括联邦、州和地方的政府雇员，全国六分之一的劳动力为政府效力。这些不断扩张的庞大机构，以及他们所发明出来的成千上万条规定，剥夺了我们太多宪法赋予的权利。有多少人会相信今天的联邦探员没有搜查令就敢闯入私人住宅？不经听证就给予罚款，更不用提有陪审员在列的审判了。他们还敢没收、拍卖房产来强迫对方支付罚款。在阿肯色州的奇科镇，詹姆斯•威尔种植的大米数量超过了定额，政府在审判后得到了1.7万美元的赔偿，一位警察局长拍卖了他占地960英亩的农场。政府说，为了让这套制度得以贯彻，这是必要的手段。
Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-times candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's exactly what he will do.
去年2月19日在明尼苏达大学，连任6次社会党总统候选人的诺曼•汤姆斯说：“如果巴里•戈德华特当选总统，他会停止社会主义在美国的发展。”我想他的确会这么做的。
But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died —— because to this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England.
但是作为一个前民主党成员，我可以告诉你，诺曼•汤姆斯不是唯一一个把社会主义与现任政府扯上关系的人。1936年，伟大民主党派人士的阿尔•史密斯率先指责他的党派，说它让这个拥有杰斐逊、杰克逊和克里夫兰等著名人物的党派走在马克思、列宁和斯大林的旗帜下。他脱离了这个党派，致死也没有回心转意。今天，这个党的领导人正在把这个具有无限荣耀的党派推上英国社会劳工党的道路。
Now it doesn't require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people. What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the —— or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property？ And such machinery already exists. The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment.
想要把社会主义强加在人们的头上，根本不需要没收私人的财产和生意。如果政府对财产和商业持有生杀予夺的大权，你手中的房契和经营资质有什么用呢？这样的机制已经形成了，政府可以找各种各样的借口来对付它认为看不顺眼的事情。每个商人都有自己的血泪史，我们的国家变质了。我们那与生俱来、不可剥夺的权利即将变成政府的恩典，自由从未如此脆弱，从未像现在一样即将从我们的手中滑落。
Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men —— that we're to choose just between two personalities.
我们的民主党对手似乎不愿意讨论这个问题。他们试图让你和我相信，这是两个人之间的战争，我们必须要在两种人格之间做出选择。
Well what of this man that they would destroy —— and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear？ Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is？ Well I've been privileged to know him "when." I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I've never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.
那么，他们试图诋毁的是一个什么人呢？所谓诋毁，他们的做法是扼杀他所代表的那些我们奉若真理的思想。他真的是那种被他们描述成傲慢、浅薄、暴躁的人吗？我很荣幸，在他把总统职位作为人生目标很久之前就认识他。我可以负责任地告诉你，我一生中从来没见过这样一个不会做欺骗、丢脸事情的人。
This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work. He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.
这个人，在他步入政坛之前，用自己的生意设立了一个福利分享计划，那时候工会还根本没有想到这些问题。他为自己所有的员工都购买了健康和医疗保险。他把税前50％的利润用作退休金，所有员工都可以享用。一个员工在工作期间患病，他每月都会寄去生活费。他还为员工的子女提供看护服务。墨西哥格兰德河发生洪水灾害，他登上飞机，送去药品和其它物资。
An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he said that [there were] a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, "Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such," and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he'd load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load.
一名前美军士兵告诉我是如何与他见面的。那是朝鲜战争期间的圣诞节前夕，他在洛杉矶机场准备飞回亚利桑那州过圣诞节。他说，机场有很多军人，买不到机票。这时候机场突然广播：“所有计划飞往亚利桑那州的军人，请到跑道上来……”他们来到跑道，看到一个叫巴里•戈德华特的人坐在自己的飞机上。在圣诞节之前的几个星期里，他每一天都会让飞机满载军人飞往亚利桑那，飞回他们的家乡，然后再飞回来。
During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, "There aren't many left who care what happens to her. I'd like her to know I care." This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, "There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start." This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I've discussed academic, unless we realize we're in a war that must be won.
在极为繁忙的竞选活动中，这个人还会花时间坐在一个罹患肺癌即将去世的老朋友身边。他的竞选经理显得很不耐烦，但是他说：“真正关心她的人已经不多了，我要让她知道，我是其中一个。”这个人对他19岁的儿子说：“坚实的基础是由城市和公平构成的，你要在这样的平台上开始你的生活，用上帝的信仰建起高楼大厦，这才是真正的人生。”这个人不会毫无顾忌地把别人的孩子送上战场，竞选中的这个问题让我曾经谈过的所有其它问题不值一提，除非我们意识到自己身处于一场必胜的战争。
Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They call their policy "accommodation." And they say if we'll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he'll forget his evil ways and learn to love us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers. They say we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple answer —— not an easy answer —— but simple： If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right.
那些用我们的自由换取流动餐车的人告诉我们，他们有一个乌托邦式的方案来获取和平。他们管这项政策叫做“迁就”，他们说，如果我们可以避免与敌人的正面冲突，对方就会忘记邪恶的念头，进而爱上我们。所有反对这项政策的人都被贴上了战争贩子的标签，因为他们说这时解决复杂问题的简单方法。或许的确有一个简单的方法，但并不容易做到：如果你和我有勇气告诉政府的官员们，我们希望国家的政策可以遵从内心的道德标准。
We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain, "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we're willing to make a deal with your slave masters." Alexander Hamilton said, "A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one." Now let's set the record straight. There's no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there's only one guaranteed way you can have peace —— and you can have it in the next second —— surrender.
武力威胁买不来自由，我们不能恬不知耻地对被奴役在铁幕后的10亿人说：“为了让我们全身而退，你们要放弃自由的梦想，因为我们打算和你们的主子达成协议。”亚历山大•汉密尔顿说：“一个屈服于威胁的国家就是在等待着奴隶主的降临，他们需要一个奴隶主。”让我们把话说明白，在战争与和平之间的选择已经没有什么可以讨论的了，但是有一个方法可以让你得到和平，而且是近在眼前的和平，那就是投降。
Admittedly, there's a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face —— that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender. If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand —— the ultimatum. And what then —— when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be？ He has told them that we're retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that time we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically. He believes this because from our side he's heard voices pleading for "peace at any price" or "better Red than dead," or as one commentator put it, he'd rather "live on his knees than die on his feet." And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't speak for the rest of us.
必须承认，除此之外的所有道路都隐藏着危险。但是历史上无数的事实告诉我们，绥靖政策隐含着更大的危险，而这正是那些善良的自由主义朋友们拒绝面对的事实——即他们的迁就就是绥靖政策，他们给出的选择不是战争与和平，而是反抗和投降。如果我们继续迁就，继续退却，最终将面对一个最后通牒。到了那个时候，尼基塔•赫鲁晓夫会告诉他的人民我们的答案是什么呢？他会说，我们在冷战的压力之下节节败退。当最后通牒降临的时候，我们的投降是不由自主的，因为到那时候，我们在精神、道德和经济层面上都已经千疮百孔。他坚信这一点，因为他已经听到“不惜一切代价换取和平”和“宁红不死”等言论。还有一位评论人士说，他宁可“跪着生，不愿站着死”。这或许会真的引导我们走上战争的道路，因为这些声音并不能代表我们。
You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin —— just in the face of this enemy？ Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs？ Should Christ have refused the cross？ Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the world？ The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn't die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace？ Well it's a simple answer after all.
你和我都知道，并且相信，生活是如此的珍贵，和平如此甜美，让我们愿意付出镣铐和奴役的代价。如果生活中没有什么是值得用生命来换取的，那么我们怎么会勇敢地站在敌人的面前？摩西会告诉以色列的人的子孙接受法老的奴役吗？基督会拒绝十字架吗？康科德河的爱国者会丢下枪，让那响彻全世界的枪声从未出现吗？历史中的烈士并不是傻瓜，为阻止纳粹而献出生命的英雄们不会白白死去。那么，通往和平之路究竟在哪里？答案其实很简单。
You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will not pay." "There is a point beyond which they must not advance." And this —— this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength." Winston Churchill said, "The destiny of man is not measured by material computations. When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we're spirits —— not animals." And he said, "There's something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty."
你和我都有勇气面对敌人说：“有些代价我们不会付出。”“有些界限我们永远不会逾越。”这就是巴里•戈德华特“强力和平”口号的含义。温斯顿•丘吉尔曾经说：“人类的命运并非某种物质的集合。当邪恶势力横行时，我们会发现自己以精神方式而存在，我们不是动物。”他还说：“有些东西贯穿并超越整个时空，那就是——无论你是否喜欢——责任。”
You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.
你和我与命运有个约会。
We'll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we'll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.
我们将为子孙后代保留人类最美好的希望，或者我们可以把这些希望变成千年的黑暗。
We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.
我们将记住，巴里•戈德华特对我们有信心。他相信，你和我有能力、有尊严、有权利做出我们自己的决定、引导我们自己的命运。
Thank you very much.
非常感谢。