The coronavirus didn’t break America. It revealed what was already broken.
When the virus came here, it found a country with serious underlying conditions, and it exploited them ruthlessly. Chronic ills—a corrupt political class, a sclerotic bureaucracy, a heartless economy, a divided and distracted public—had gone untreated for years. We had learned to live, uncomfortably, with the symptoms. It took the scale and intimacy of a pandemic to expose their severity—to shock Americans with the recognition that we are in the high-risk category.
This article appears in the Special Preview: June 2020 issue.
Check out the full table of contents and find your next story to read.
See More The crisis demanded a response that was swift, rational, and collective. The United States reacted instead like Pakistan or Belarus—like a country with shoddy infrastructure and a dysfunctional government whose leaders were too corrupt or stupid to head off mass suffering. The administration squandered two irretrievable months to prepare. From the president came willful blindness, scapegoating, boasts, and lies. From his mouthpieces, conspiracy theories and miracle cures. A few senators and corporate executives acted quickly—not to prevent the coming disaster, but to profit from it. When a government doctor tried to warn the public of the danger, the White House took the mic and politicized the message.
Every morning in the endless month of March, Americans woke up to find themselves citizens of a failed state. With no national plan—no coherent instructions at all—families, schools, and offices were left to decide on their own whether to shut down and take shelter. When test kits, masks, gowns, and ventilators were found to be in desperately short supply, governors pleaded for them from the White House, which stalled, then called on private enterprise, which couldn’t deliver. States and cities were forced into bidding wars that left them prey to price gouging and corporate profiteering. Civilians took out their sewing machines to try to keep ill- equipped hospital workers healthy and their patients alive. Russia, Taiwan, and the United Nations sent humanitarian aid to the world’s richest power—a beggar nation in utter chaos.
MORE BY GEORGE PACKER illustration of Robert Stone A Novelist’s Ambition to Define America GEORGE PACKER
The President Is Winning His War on American Institutions GEORGE PACKER
The Enemies of Writing GEORGE PACKER
Adam Chilton, Kevin Cope, Charles Crabtree, and Mila Versteeg: Red and blue America agree that now is the time to violate the Constitution
Donald Trump saw the crisis almost entirely in personal and political terms. Fearing for his reelection, he declared the coronavirus pandemic a war, and himself a wartime president. But the leader he brings to mind is Marshal Philippe Pétain, the French general who, in 1940, signed an armistice with Germany after its rout of French defenses, then formed the pro-Nazi Vichy regime. Like Pétain, Trump collaborated with the invader and abandoned his country to a prolonged disaster. And, like France in 1940, America in 2020 has stunned itself with a collapse that’s larger and deeper than one miserable leader. Some future autopsy of the pandemic might be called Strange Defeat, after the historian and Resistance fighter Marc Bloch’s contemporaneous study of the fall of France. Despite countless examples around the U.S. of individual courage and sacrifice, the failure is national. And it should force a question that most Americans have never had to ask: Do we trust our leaders and one another enough to summon a collective response to a mortal threat? Are we still capable of self-government?
This is the third major crisis of the short 21st century. The first, on September 11, 2001, came when Americans were still living mentally in the previous century, and the memory of depression, world war, and cold war remained strong. On that day, people in the rural heartland did not see New York as an alien stew of immigrants and liberals that deserved its fate, but as a great American city that had taken a hit for the whole country. Firefighters from Indiana drove 800 miles to help the rescue effort at Ground Zero. Our civic reflex was to mourn and mobilize together.
Partisan politics and terrible policies, especially the Iraq War, erased the sense of national unity and fed a bitterness toward the political class that never really faded. The second crisis, in 2008, intensified it. At the top, the financial crash could almost be considered a success. Congress passed a bipartisan bailout bill that saved the financial system. Outgoing Bush-administration officials cooperated with incoming Obama administration officials. The experts at the Federal Reserve and the Treasury Department used monetary and fiscal policy to prevent a second Great Depression. Leading bankers were shamed but not prosecuted; most of them kept their fortunes and some their jobs. Before long they were back in business. A Wall Street trader told me that the financial crisis had been a “speed bump.”
All of the lasting pain was felt in the middle and at the bottom, by Americans who had taken on debt and lost their jobs, homes, and retirement savings. Many of them never recovered, and young people who came of age in the Great Recession are doomed to be poorer than their parents. Inequality—the fundamental, relentless force in American life since the late 1970s— grew worse.
This second crisis drove a profound wedge between Americans: between the upper and lower classes, Republicans and Democrats, metropolitan and rural people, the native-born and immigrants, ordinary Americans and their leaders. Social bonds had been under growing strain for several decades, and now they began to tear. The reforms of the Obama years, important as they were—in health care, financial regulation, green energy—had only palliative effects. The long recovery over the past decade enriched corporations and investors, lulled professionals, and left the working class further behind. The lasting effect of the slump was to increase polarization and to discredit authority, especially government’s.
Both parties were slow to grasp how much credibility they’d lost. The coming politics was populist. Its harbinger wasn’t Barack Obama but Sarah Palin, the absurdly unready vice-presidential candidate who scorned expertise and reveled in celebrity. She was Donald Trump’s John the Baptist.
David Frum: Americans are paying the price for Trump’s failures
Trump came to power as the repudiation of the Republican establishment. But the conservative political class and the new leader soon reached an understanding. Whatever their differences on issues like trade and immigration, they shared a basic goal: to strip-mine public assets for the benefit of private interests. Republican politicians and donors who wanted government to do as little as possible for the common good could live happily with a regime that barely knew how to govern at all, and they made themselves Trump’s footmen.
Like a wanton boy throwing matches in a parched field, Trump began to immolate what was left of national civic life. He never even pretended to be president of the whole country, but pitted us against one another along lines of race, sex, religion, citizenship, education, region, and—every day of his presidency—political party. His main tool of governance was to lie. A third of the country locked itself in a hall of mirrors that it believed to be reality; a third drove itself mad with the effort to hold on to the idea of knowable truth; and a third gave up even trying.
Trump acquired a federal government crippled by years of right-wing ideological assault, politicization by both parties, and steady defunding. He set about finishing off the job and destroying the professional civil service. He drove out some of the most talented and experienced career officials, left essential positions unfilled, and installed loyalists as commissars over the cowed survivors, with one purpose: to serve his own interests. His major legislative accomplishment, one of the largest tax cuts in history, sent hundreds of billions of dollars to corporations and the rich. The beneficiaries flocked to patronize his resorts and line his reelection pockets. If lying was his means for using power, corruption was his end.
Read: It pays to be rich during a pandemic
This was the American landscape that lay open to the virus: in prosperous cities, a class of globally connected desk workers dependent on a class of precarious and invisible service workers; in the countryside, decaying communities in revolt against the modern world; on social media, mutual hatred and endless vituperation among different camps; in the economy, even with full employment, a large and growing gap between triumphant capital and beleaguered labor; in Washington, an empty government led by a con man and his intellectually bankrupt party; around the country, a mood of cynical exhaustion, with no vision of a shared identity or future.
If the pandemic really is a kind of war, it’s the first to be fought on this soil in a century and a half. Invasion and occupation expose a society ’s fault lines, exaggerating what goes unnoticed or accepted in peacetime, clarifying essential truths, raising the smell of buried rot.
The virus should have united Americans against a common threat. With different leadership, it might have. Instead, even as it spread from blue to red areas, attitudes broke down along familiar partisan lines. The virus also should have been a great leveler. You don’t have to be in the military or in debt to be a target—you just have to be human. But from the start, its effects have been skewed by the inequality that we’ve tolerated for so long. When tests for the virus were almost impossible to find, the wealthy and connected—the model and reality-TV host Heidi Klum, the entire roster of the Brooklyn Nets, the president’s conservative allies—were somehow able to get tested, despite many showing no symptoms. The smattering of individual results did nothing to protect public health. Meanwhile, ordinary people with fevers and chills had to wait in long and possibly infectious lines, only to be turned away because they weren’t actually suffocating. An internet joke proposed that the only way to find out whether you had the virus was to sneeze in a rich person’s face.
When Trump was asked about this blatant unfairness, he expressed disapproval but added, “Perhaps that’s been the story of life.” Most Americans hardly register this kind of special privilege in normal times. But in the first weeks of the pandemic it sparked outrage, as if, during a general mobilization, the rich had been allowed to buy their way out of military service and hoard gas masks. As the contagion has spread, its victims have been likely to be poor, black, and brown people. The gross inequality of our health-care system is evident in the sight of refrigerated trucks lined up outside public hospitals.
Ibram X. Kendi: Stop blaming black people for dying of the coronavirus
We now have two categories of work: essential and nonessential. Who have the essential workers turned out to be? Mostly people in low-paying jobs that require their physical presence and put their health directly at risk: warehouse workers, shelf-stockers, Instacart shoppers, delivery drivers, municipal employees, hospital staffers, home health aides, long-haul truckers. Doctors and nurses are the pandemic’s combat heroes, but the supermarket cashier with her bottle of sanitizer and the UPS driver with his latex gloves are the supply and logistics troops who keep the frontline forces intact. In a smartphone economy that hides whole classes of human beings, we’re learning where our food and goods come from, who keeps us alive. An order of organic baby arugula on AmazonFresh is cheap and arrives overnight in part because the people who grow it, sort it, pack it, and deliver it have to keep working while sick. For most service workers, sick leave turns out to be an impossible luxury. It’s worth asking if we would accept a higher price and slower delivery so that they could stay home.
The pandemic has also clarified the meaning of nonessential workers. One example is Kelly Loeffler, the Republican junior senator from Georgia, whose sole qualification for the empty seat that she was given in January is her immense wealth. Less than three weeks into the job, after a dire private briefing about the virus, she got even richer from the selling-off of stocks, then she accused Democrats of exaggerating the danger and gave her constituents false assurances that may well have gotten them killed. Loeffler’s impulses in public service are those of a dangerous parasite. A body politic that would place someone like this in high office is well advanced in decay.
The purest embodiment of political nihilism is not Trump himself but his son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner. In his short lifetime, Kushner has been fraudulently promoted as both a meritocrat and a populist. He was born into a moneyed real-estate family the month Ronald Reagan entered the Oval Office, in 1981—a princeling of the second Gilded Age. Despite Jared’s mediocre academic record, he was admitted to Harvard after his father, Charles, pledged a $2.5 million donation to the university. Father helped son with $10 million in loans for a start in the family business, then Jared continued his elite education at the law and business schools of NYU, where his father had contributed $3 million. Jared repaid his father’s support with fierce loyalty when Charles was sentenced to two years in federal prison in 2005 for trying to resolve a family legal quarrel by entrapping his sister’s husband with a prostitute and videotaping the encounter.
Adam Serwer: Trump is inciting a coronavirus culture war to save himself
Jared Kushner failed as a skyscraper owner and a newspaper publisher, but he always found someone to rescue him, and his self-confidence only grew. In American Oligarchs, Andrea Bernstein describes how he adopted the outlook of a risk-taking entrepreneur, a “disruptor” of the new economy. Under the influence of his mentor Rupert Murdoch, he found ways to fuse his financial, political, and journalistic pursuits. He made conflicts of interest his business model.
So when his father-in-law became president, Kushner quickly gained power in an administration that raised amateurism, nepotism, and corruption to governing principles. As long as he busied himself with Middle East peace, his feckless meddling didn’t matter to most Americans. But since he became an influential adviser to Trump on the coronavirus pandemic, the result has been mass death.
In his first week on the job, in mid-March, Kushner co-authored the worst Oval Office speech in memory, interrupted the vital work of other officials, may have compromised security protocols, flirted with conflicts of interest and violations of federal law, and made fatuous promises that quickly turned to dust. “The federal government is not designed to solve all our problems,” he said, explaining how he would tap his corporate connections to create drive-through testing sites. They never materialized. He was convinced by corporate leaders that Trump should not use presidential authority to compel industries to manufacture ventilators—then Kushner’s own attempt to negotiate a deal with General Motors fell through. With no loss of faith in himself, he blamed shortages of necessary equipment and gear on incompetent state governors.
To watch this pale, slim-suited dilettante breeze into the middle of a deadly crisis, dispensing business-school jargon to cloud the massive failure of his father-in-law’s administration, is to see the collapse of a whole approach to governing. It turns out that scientific experts and other civil servants are not traitorous members of a “deep state”—they’re essential workers, and marginalizing them in favor of ideologues and sycophants is a threat to the nation’s health. It turns out that “nimble” companies can’t prepare for a catastrophe or distribute lifesaving goods—only a competent federal government can do that. It turns out that everything has a cost, and years of attacking government, squeezing it dry and draining its morale, inflict a heavy cost that the public has to pay in lives. All the programs defunded, stockpiles depleted, and plans scrapped meant that we had become a second-rate nation. Then came the virus and this strange defeat.
Read: Trump’s coronavirus message is revisionist history
The fight to overcome the pandemic must also be a fight to recover the health of our country, and build it anew, or the hardship and grief we’re now enduring will never be redeemed. Under our current leadership, nothing will change. If 9/11 and 2008 wore out trust in the old political establishment, 2020 should kill off the idea that anti-politics is our salvation. But putting an end to this regime, so necessary and deserved, is only the beginning.
We’re faced with a choice that the crisis makes inescapably clear. We can stay hunkered down in self-isolation, fearing and shunning one another, letting our common bond wear away to nothing. Or we can use this pause in our normal lives to pay attention to the hospital workers holding up cellphones so their patients can say goodbye to loved ones; the planeload of medical workers flying from Atlanta to help in New York; the aerospace workers in Massachusetts demanding that their factory be converted to ventilator production; the Floridians standing in long lines because they couldn’t get through by phone to the skeletal unemployment office; the residents of Milwaukee braving endless waits, hail, and contagion to vote in an election forced on them by partisan justices. We can learn from these dreadful days that stupidity and injustice are lethal; that, in a democracy, being a citizen is essential work; that the alternative to solidarity is death. After we’ve come out of hiding and taken off our masks, we should not forget what it was like to be alone. https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2020/06/underlying-conditions/ 610261/
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】 : We Are Living in a Failed State : The coronavirus didn’t break America. It revealed what was already broken. : When the virus came here, it found a country with serious underlying : conditions, and it exploited them ruthlessly. Chronic ills—a corrupt : political class, a sclerotic bureaucracy, a heartless economy, a divided and : distracted public—had gone untreated for years. We had learned to live, : uncomfortably, with the symptoms. It took the scale and intimacy of a : pandemic to expose their severity—to shock Americans with the recognition : that we are in the high-risk category. : This article appears in the Special Preview: June 2020 issue. : ...................
The administration squandered two irretrievable months to prepare. From the president came willful blindness, scapegoating, boasts, and lies. From his mouthpieces, conspiracy theories and miracle cures.
【 在 curiousami (归去来) 的大作中提到: 】 : The administration squandered two irretrievable months to prepare. From the : president came willful blindness, scapegoating, boasts, and lies. From his : mouthpieces, conspiracy theories and miracle cures. : 写得还是挺尖锐的 : 床破玩一玩搞破坏的事情玩得挺不错，但是建设性的事情基本上都干不成 : 搞破坏不需要做什么实事，只要拦住别人做不了事情就成，但床破没有POWER推动人做 : 建设性的实事。
You should read Hayek 1945. Stock market aggregates information, which is useful for firms and investors to make decisions. 而且不少activist hedge fund对corporate governance是有很大的帮助。 【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】 : 一个hedge fund 啥社会贡献没有，每天在股市巧取豪夺，凭啥算进GDP里去？
所以就是overhead cost, 说的不就是吗，GDP的计算太水，美帝公司运营的over head 太高，导致啥啥造不出来,GDP虚高
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】 : You should read Hayek 1945. Stock market aggregates information, which is : useful for firms and investors to make decisions. 而且不少activist hedge : fund对corporate governance是有很大的帮助。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】 : You should read Hayek 1945. Stock market aggregates information, which is : useful for firms and investors to make decisions. 而且不少activist hedge : fund对corporate governance是有很大的帮助。
搞体育的，文化，艺术啥的，黑人高端的多了去了，工程师里面黑人也不不少，怎么干不了。而且AA藤校才损失华人多少名额，印度人被影响没，其他族裔被影响没，怎么就华人最计较所谓藤校名额。那么多藤校出来的华裔，有几个替着改变华裔形象了。 Andrew yang自己出来，都是把大陆来的和美帝其他华裔分割，自己都不能铁板一块， 还指望天天还中国间谍中国病毒替你解决AA吗
You need to read Milton Friedman's work. Profit-maximizing makes everybody and the society better off. 【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】 : monitor 的价格远超过做实业的价格？谁来monitor这些贪婪的hedge fund呢？ : 说明monitor 失灵了, 本身就已经成了必须切掉的毒瘤。
We Are Living in a Failed State
The coronavirus didn’t break America. It revealed what was already broken.
When the virus came here, it found a country with serious underlying
conditions, and it exploited them ruthlessly. Chronic ills—a corrupt
political class, a sclerotic bureaucracy, a heartless economy, a divided and distracted public—had gone untreated for years. We had learned to live,
uncomfortably, with the symptoms. It took the scale and intimacy of a
pandemic to expose their severity—to shock Americans with the recognition
that we are in the high-risk category.
This article appears in the Special Preview: June 2020 issue.
Check out the full table of contents and find your next story to read.
See More
The crisis demanded a response that was swift, rational, and collective. The United States reacted instead like Pakistan or Belarus—like a country with shoddy infrastructure and a dysfunctional government whose leaders were too corrupt or stupid to head off mass suffering. The administration squandered two irretrievable months to prepare. From the president came willful
blindness, scapegoating, boasts, and lies. From his mouthpieces, conspiracy theories and miracle cures. A few senators and corporate executives acted
quickly—not to prevent the coming disaster, but to profit from it. When a
government doctor tried to warn the public of the danger, the White House
took the mic and politicized the message.
Every morning in the endless month of March, Americans woke up to find
themselves citizens of a failed state. With no national plan—no coherent
instructions at all—families, schools, and offices were left to decide on
their own whether to shut down and take shelter. When test kits, masks,
gowns, and ventilators were found to be in desperately short supply,
governors pleaded for them from the White House, which stalled, then called on private enterprise, which couldn’t deliver. States and cities were
forced into bidding wars that left them prey to price gouging and corporate profiteering. Civilians took out their sewing machines to try to keep ill-
equipped hospital workers healthy and their patients alive. Russia, Taiwan, and the United Nations sent humanitarian aid to the world’s richest power—a beggar nation in utter chaos.
MORE BY GEORGE PACKER
illustration of Robert Stone
A Novelist’s Ambition to Define America
GEORGE PACKER
The President Is Winning His War on American Institutions
GEORGE PACKER
The Enemies of Writing
GEORGE PACKER
Adam Chilton, Kevin Cope, Charles Crabtree, and Mila Versteeg: Red and blue America agree that now is the time to violate the Constitution
Donald Trump saw the crisis almost entirely in personal and political terms. Fearing for his reelection, he declared the coronavirus pandemic a war, and himself a wartime president. But the leader he brings to mind is Marshal
Philippe Pétain, the French general who, in 1940, signed an armistice with Germany after its rout of French defenses, then formed the pro-Nazi Vichy
regime. Like Pétain, Trump collaborated with the invader and abandoned his country to a prolonged disaster. And, like France in 1940, America in 2020
has stunned itself with a collapse that’s larger and deeper than one
miserable leader. Some future autopsy of the pandemic might be called
Strange Defeat, after the historian and Resistance fighter Marc Bloch’s
contemporaneous study of the fall of France. Despite countless examples
around the U.S. of individual courage and sacrifice, the failure is national. And it should force a question that most Americans have never had to ask: Do we trust our leaders and one another enough to summon a collective
response to a mortal threat? Are we still capable of self-government?
This is the third major crisis of the short 21st century. The first, on
September 11, 2001, came when Americans were still living mentally in the
previous century, and the memory of depression, world war, and cold war
remained strong. On that day, people in the rural heartland did not see New York as an alien stew of immigrants and liberals that deserved its fate, but as a great American city that had taken a hit for the whole country.
Firefighters from Indiana drove 800 miles to help the rescue effort at
Ground Zero. Our civic reflex was to mourn and mobilize together.
Partisan politics and terrible policies, especially the Iraq War, erased the sense of national unity and fed a bitterness toward the political class
that never really faded. The second crisis, in 2008, intensified it. At the top, the financial crash could almost be considered a success. Congress
passed a bipartisan bailout bill that saved the financial system. Outgoing
Bush-administration officials cooperated with incoming Obama administration officials. The experts at the Federal Reserve and the Treasury Department
used monetary and fiscal policy to prevent a second Great Depression.
Leading bankers were shamed but not prosecuted; most of them kept their
fortunes and some their jobs. Before long they were back in business. A Wall Street trader told me that the financial crisis had been a “speed bump.”
All of the lasting pain was felt in the middle and at the bottom, by
Americans who had taken on debt and lost their jobs, homes, and retirement
savings. Many of them never recovered, and young people who came of age in
the Great Recession are doomed to be poorer than their parents. Inequality—the fundamental, relentless force in American life since the late 1970s—
grew worse.
This second crisis drove a profound wedge between Americans: between the
upper and lower classes, Republicans and Democrats, metropolitan and rural
people, the native-born and immigrants, ordinary Americans and their leaders. Social bonds had been under growing strain for several decades, and now
they began to tear. The reforms of the Obama years, important as they were—in health care, financial regulation, green energy—had only palliative
effects. The long recovery over the past decade enriched corporations and
investors, lulled professionals, and left the working class further behind. The lasting effect of the slump was to increase polarization and to
discredit authority, especially government’s.
Both parties were slow to grasp how much credibility they’d lost. The
coming politics was populist. Its harbinger wasn’t Barack Obama but Sarah
Palin, the absurdly unready vice-presidential candidate who scorned
expertise and reveled in celebrity. She was Donald Trump’s John the Baptist.
David Frum: Americans are paying the price for Trump’s failures
Trump came to power as the repudiation of the Republican establishment. But the conservative political class and the new leader soon reached an
understanding. Whatever their differences on issues like trade and
immigration, they shared a basic goal: to strip-mine public assets for the
benefit of private interests. Republican politicians and donors who wanted
government to do as little as possible for the common good could live
happily with a regime that barely knew how to govern at all, and they made
themselves Trump’s footmen.
Like a wanton boy throwing matches in a parched field, Trump began to
immolate what was left of national civic life. He never even pretended to be president of the whole country, but pitted us against one another along
lines of race, sex, religion, citizenship, education, region, and—every day of his presidency—political party. His main tool of governance was to lie. A third of the country locked itself in a hall of mirrors that it believed to be reality; a third drove itself mad with the effort to hold on to the
idea of knowable truth; and a third gave up even trying.
Trump acquired a federal government crippled by years of right-wing
ideological assault, politicization by both parties, and steady defunding.
He set about finishing off the job and destroying the professional civil
service. He drove out some of the most talented and experienced career
officials, left essential positions unfilled, and installed loyalists as
commissars over the cowed survivors, with one purpose: to serve his own
interests. His major legislative accomplishment, one of the largest tax cuts in history, sent hundreds of billions of dollars to corporations and the
rich. The beneficiaries flocked to patronize his resorts and line his
reelection pockets. If lying was his means for using power, corruption was
his end.
Read: It pays to be rich during a pandemic
This was the American landscape that lay open to the virus: in prosperous
cities, a class of globally connected desk workers dependent on a class of
precarious and invisible service workers; in the countryside, decaying
communities in revolt against the modern world; on social media, mutual
hatred and endless vituperation among different camps; in the economy, even with full employment, a large and growing gap between triumphant capital and beleaguered labor; in Washington, an empty government led by a con man and his intellectually bankrupt party; around the country, a mood of cynical
exhaustion, with no vision of a shared identity or future.
If the pandemic really is a kind of war, it’s the first to be fought on
this soil in a century and a half. Invasion and occupation expose a society
’s fault lines, exaggerating what goes unnoticed or accepted in peacetime, clarifying essential truths, raising the smell of buried rot.
The virus should have united Americans against a common threat. With
different leadership, it might have. Instead, even as it spread from blue to red areas, attitudes broke down along familiar partisan lines. The virus
also should have been a great leveler. You don’t have to be in the military or in debt to be a target—you just have to be human. But from the start,
its effects have been skewed by the inequality that we’ve tolerated for so long. When tests for the virus were almost impossible to find, the wealthy
and connected—the model and reality-TV host Heidi Klum, the entire roster
of the Brooklyn Nets, the president’s conservative allies—were somehow
able to get tested, despite many showing no symptoms. The smattering of
individual results did nothing to protect public health. Meanwhile, ordinary people with fevers and chills had to wait in long and possibly infectious
lines, only to be turned away because they weren’t actually suffocating. An internet joke proposed that the only way to find out whether you had the
virus was to sneeze in a rich person’s face.
When Trump was asked about this blatant unfairness, he expressed disapproval but added, “Perhaps that’s been the story of life.” Most Americans
hardly register this kind of special privilege in normal times. But in the
first weeks of the pandemic it sparked outrage, as if, during a general
mobilization, the rich had been allowed to buy their way out of military
service and hoard gas masks. As the contagion has spread, its victims have
been likely to be poor, black, and brown people. The gross inequality of our health-care system is evident in the sight of refrigerated trucks lined up outside public hospitals.
Ibram X. Kendi: Stop blaming black people for dying of the coronavirus
We now have two categories of work: essential and nonessential. Who have the essential workers turned out to be? Mostly people in low-paying jobs that
require their physical presence and put their health directly at risk:
warehouse workers, shelf-stockers, Instacart shoppers, delivery drivers,
municipal employees, hospital staffers, home health aides, long-haul
truckers. Doctors and nurses are the pandemic’s combat heroes, but the
supermarket cashier with her bottle of sanitizer and the UPS driver with his latex gloves are the supply and logistics troops who keep the frontline
forces intact. In a smartphone economy that hides whole classes of human
beings, we’re learning where our food and goods come from, who keeps us
alive. An order of organic baby arugula on AmazonFresh is cheap and arrives overnight in part because the people who grow it, sort it, pack it, and
deliver it have to keep working while sick. For most service workers, sick
leave turns out to be an impossible luxury. It’s worth asking if we would
accept a higher price and slower delivery so that they could stay home.
The pandemic has also clarified the meaning of nonessential workers. One
example is Kelly Loeffler, the Republican junior senator from Georgia, whose sole qualification for the empty seat that she was given in January is her immense wealth. Less than three weeks into the job, after a dire private
briefing about the virus, she got even richer from the selling-off of stocks, then she accused Democrats of exaggerating the danger and gave her
constituents false assurances that may well have gotten them killed.
Loeffler’s impulses in public service are those of a dangerous parasite. A body politic that would place someone like this in high office is well
advanced in decay.
The purest embodiment of political nihilism is not Trump himself but his son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner. In his short lifetime, Kushner
has been fraudulently promoted as both a meritocrat and a populist. He was
born into a moneyed real-estate family the month Ronald Reagan entered the
Oval Office, in 1981—a princeling of the second Gilded Age. Despite Jared’s mediocre academic record, he was admitted to Harvard after his father,
Charles, pledged a $2.5 million donation to the university. Father helped
son with $10 million in loans for a start in the family business, then Jared continued his elite education at the law and business schools of NYU, where his father had contributed $3 million. Jared repaid his father’s support
with fierce loyalty when Charles was sentenced to two years in federal
prison in 2005 for trying to resolve a family legal quarrel by entrapping
his sister’s husband with a prostitute and videotaping the encounter.
Adam Serwer: Trump is inciting a coronavirus culture war to save himself
Jared Kushner failed as a skyscraper owner and a newspaper publisher, but he always found someone to rescue him, and his self-confidence only grew. In
American Oligarchs, Andrea Bernstein describes how he adopted the outlook of a risk-taking entrepreneur, a “disruptor” of the new economy. Under the
influence of his mentor Rupert Murdoch, he found ways to fuse his financial, political, and journalistic pursuits. He made conflicts of interest his
business model.
So when his father-in-law became president, Kushner quickly gained power in an administration that raised amateurism, nepotism, and corruption to
governing principles. As long as he busied himself with Middle East peace,
his feckless meddling didn’t matter to most Americans. But since he became an influential adviser to Trump on the coronavirus pandemic, the result has been mass death.
In his first week on the job, in mid-March, Kushner co-authored the worst
Oval Office speech in memory, interrupted the vital work of other officials, may have compromised security protocols, flirted with conflicts of interest and violations of federal law, and made fatuous promises that quickly
turned to dust. “The federal government is not designed to solve all our
problems,” he said, explaining how he would tap his corporate connections
to create drive-through testing sites. They never materialized. He was
convinced by corporate leaders that Trump should not use presidential
authority to compel industries to manufacture ventilators—then Kushner’s
own attempt to negotiate a deal with General Motors fell through. With no
loss of faith in himself, he blamed shortages of necessary equipment and
gear on incompetent state governors.
To watch this pale, slim-suited dilettante breeze into the middle of a
deadly crisis, dispensing business-school jargon to cloud the massive
failure of his father-in-law’s administration, is to see the collapse of a whole approach to governing. It turns out that scientific experts and other civil servants are not traitorous members of a “deep state”—they’re
essential workers, and marginalizing them in favor of ideologues and
sycophants is a threat to the nation’s health. It turns out that “nimble” companies can’t prepare for a catastrophe or distribute lifesaving goods—only a competent federal government can do that. It turns out that
everything has a cost, and years of attacking government, squeezing it dry
and draining its morale, inflict a heavy cost that the public has to pay in lives. All the programs defunded, stockpiles depleted, and plans scrapped
meant that we had become a second-rate nation. Then came the virus and this strange defeat.
Read: Trump’s coronavirus message is revisionist history
The fight to overcome the pandemic must also be a fight to recover the
health of our country, and build it anew, or the hardship and grief we’re
now enduring will never be redeemed. Under our current leadership, nothing
will change. If 9/11 and 2008 wore out trust in the old political
establishment, 2020 should kill off the idea that anti-politics is our
salvation. But putting an end to this regime, so necessary and deserved, is only the beginning.
We’re faced with a choice that the crisis makes inescapably clear. We can
stay hunkered down in self-isolation, fearing and shunning one another,
letting our common bond wear away to nothing. Or we can use this pause in
our normal lives to pay attention to the hospital workers holding up
cellphones so their patients can say goodbye to loved ones; the planeload of medical workers flying from Atlanta to help in New York; the aerospace
workers in Massachusetts demanding that their factory be converted to
ventilator production; the Floridians standing in long lines because they
couldn’t get through by phone to the skeletal unemployment office; the
residents of Milwaukee braving endless waits, hail, and contagion to vote in an election forced on them by partisan justices. We can learn from these
dreadful days that stupidity and injustice are lethal; that, in a democracy, being a citizen is essential work; that the alternative to solidarity is
death. After we’ve come out of hiding and taken off our masks, we should
not forget what it was like to be alone.
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2020/06/underlying-conditions/
610261/
🔥 最新回帖
有给白人，天天不见人影，半年不到pip 走了。
黄人，要不是自己重新发明这个轮子，那个轮子，都是大学刚毕业的水准。
你娘，公司要出活的。
要不就是天天大姨妈，事事和你争，争到最后还干不了被pip。
真是宁肯给个老黑听话的干。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 为什么不让白人做呢？
为什么不让白人做呢？
【 在 database (《※★※§Hey§※★※》) 的大作中提到: 】
: 说实在的，高科技公司里面不高科技的工作不少。
: 黑人有些的确可以做的不错。让老中去做这些工作，我分分钟要骂娘。
: 另外川粉不愧为种族主义分子啊。
说实在的，高科技公司里面不高科技的工作不少。
黑人有些的确可以做的不错。让老中去做这些工作，我分分钟要骂娘。
另外川粉不愧为种族主义分子啊。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 让智商不够的黑鬼干高剩余价值工作黑鬼干得了吗？对社会有好处吗？
one needs to be a moralistically idealistically mind twisted moron to fool
around the two ends of arguments.
顶
🛋️ 沙发板凳
左逼
—-川粉
管他左棍右棍，能通傻逼舔肛川粉老婆的都是好棍！
-- 广大美国人民
【 在 LiQiang (真正接班人) 的大作中提到: 】
: 左逼
: —-川粉
所以需要川普连任，MAGA
为什么是六月号？
special preview of the future
【 在 StMicheal (archangel) 的大作中提到: 】
: 为什么是六月号？
左逼杂志当然要骂共和党的总统，黑驴在任的时候美国更像failed state.
你仔细看，他骂了八马。八马埋下了种子。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 左逼杂志当然要骂共和党的总统，黑驴在任的时候美国更像failed state.
不痛不痒地说了两句。
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你仔细看，他骂了八马。八马埋下了种子。
还要怎么说？骂八马把女婿安排进白宫主持抗击H1N1?
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不痛不痒地说了两句。
黑驴的傻逼identity politics,不反思黑鬼自己反而指责白人警察。
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 还要怎么说？骂八马把女婿安排进白宫主持抗击H1N1?
哈哈哈哈
Like Pétain, Trump collaborated with the invader and abandoned his country to a prolonged disaster.
我帝就四个毒瘤，
一个医疗，一般的保险看病copay比大部分国家的全部治疗费用还高。
一个教育，大部分的高中毕业生到中国当个流水线个人都不合格。我帝这随便学个水管工，电工，一年挣个十万没问题，就这么简单的活，红脖子学不了。大学学费动辄五六万，上完还不一定有真正的能力。
一个regulations, 各行业人为增加门槛，医生人数严格控制。接跟光纤也要证书，结
果国内接个头五元人民币，我帝要五十美元。
一个军工，一个驱逐舰比我鳖贵五六倍，每年花七八千亿，武器更新还比我鳖慢几倍。谁能解决一个毒瘤，谁就可以中兴我帝。解决两个，就可以保证和我鳖分庭抗礼。
可惜制度决定了，四个毒瘤只能越变越大，没救了。
你太纠结鸡生蛋还是蛋生鸡。
八马AA给黑人上学你们也不愿意。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 黑驴的傻逼identity politics,不反思黑鬼自己反而指责白人警察。
骂得好!
黑鬼自己不愿意学习怪谁，我们需要的是merit-based admissions criteria,比如
Caltech那种。
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你太纠结鸡生蛋还是蛋生鸡。
: 八马AA给黑人上学你们也不愿意。
色狼老师吐你一脸大粪
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: We Are Living in a Failed State
: The coronavirus didn’t break America. It revealed what was already broken.
: When the virus came here, it found a country with serious underlying
: conditions, and it exploited them ruthlessly. Chronic ills—a corrupt
: political class, a sclerotic bureaucracy, a heartless economy, a divided
and
: distracted public—had gone untreated for years. We had learned to live, : uncomfortably, with the symptoms. It took the scale and intimacy of a
: pandemic to expose their severity—to shock Americans with the recognition
: that we are in the high-risk category.
: This article appears in the Special Preview: June 2020 issue.
: ...................
生活水平低，当然学不好；学不好就不愿意学，不愿学习就生活水平低。如此循环。
体制问题。主要怪你们床巨巨的老祖宗搞奴隶贸易。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 黑鬼自己不愿意学习怪谁，我们需要的是merit-based admissions criteria,比如
: Caltech那种。
如果是智商问题那就无解了。
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 生活水平低，当然学不好；学不好就不愿意学，不愿学习就生活水平低。如此循环。: 体制问题。主要怪你们床巨巨的老祖宗搞奴隶贸易。
怀疑你丫被黑皮鸡奸过。种族歧视到这种程度一般受过教育的不会，绝对有精神问题。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 如果是智商问题那就无解了。
老夫说了很多次了，老夫是Bayesian从data make inference,任何从data做出来的结论都不叫歧视。
【 在 VladPutin (Trump's Master) 的大作中提到: 】
: 怀疑你丫被黑皮鸡奸过。种族歧视到这种程度一般受过教育的不会，绝对有精神问题。
操，黑哥的问题是社会问题，政府有责任解决社会问题，而不是污名化一个种族。
类比我鳖的维族回子，暴恐之后，我鳖痛定思痛，发现：
维族教育程度低，很多不会说汉语，受极端思想影响严重，贫困率居高不下。
我鳖对症下药，儿童必须入学，汉语必学，受极端思想影响的进交配中心，大力扶贫。几年下来，现在南疆安居乐业。
反之，黑哥被这个社会剥削了三百年，现在还要被污名化整个种族，黄皮疮简直是人渣。
【 在 SandersTrump(TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你太纠结鸡生蛋还是蛋生鸡。
: 八马AA给黑人上学你们也不愿意。
首先不是智商问题，因为显然学个学位做个商科叫兽不需要任何智商。
其次是白人把黑人强行抓来美国的，自己拉的屎要自己吃下去（或者用AA卡黄人名额让黄人帮着吃下去）。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 如果是智商问题那就无解了。
被鸡奸过应该报案，而不是装懂被噎死这种垃圾骗自己。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 老夫说了很多次了，老夫是Bayesian从data make inference,任何从data做出来的结论
: 都不叫歧视。
鼠食。
顿顿顿
【 在 CHEDS (CHEDS) 的大作中提到: 】
: 操，黑哥的问题是社会问题，政府有责任解决社会问题，而不是污名化一个种族。
: 类比我鳖的维族回子，暴恐之后，我鳖痛定思痛，发现：
: 维族教育程度低，很多不会说汉语，受极端思想影响严重，贫困率居高不下。
: 我鳖对症下药，儿童必须入学，汉语必学，受极端思想影响的进交配中心，大力扶贫。
: 几年下来，现在南疆安居乐业。
: 反之，黑哥被这个社会剥削了三百年，现在还要被污名化整个种族，黄皮疮简直是人渣。
:
: 你太纠结鸡生蛋还是蛋生鸡。
:
: 八马AA给黑人上学你们也不愿意。
:
那不是黄人抓来的为什么照顾黑鬼要侵害黄人利益？
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 首先不是智商问题，因为显然学个学位做个商科叫兽不需要任何智商。
: 其次是白人把黑人强行抓来美国的，自己拉的屎要自己吃下去（或者用AA卡黄人名额让
: 黄人帮着吃下去）。
我也感觉骂得不错.
感觉民主党就如果中国的工会,表面代表中下层老百姓,其实不是,代表的是亿万富翁和
淫乱的同性恋.
共和党代表的是红脖子,而且极右倾向越来越严重.
就没有哪个政党代表的是高级知识分子,没有社会真正的精英出来搞政治.
【 在 kli1 (mia) 的大作中提到: 】
: 骂得好!
你个黄人祖上没给美国洒过一滴血，凭什么跑来美国享受利益？
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 那不是黄人抓来的为什么照顾黑鬼要侵害黄人利益？
你跟黑人做生意吗？或者你帮做项目的公司能离开黑人的消费不？
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 老夫说了很多次了，老夫是Bayesian从data make inference,任何从data做出来的结论
: 都不叫歧视。
体制问题，failed state
【 在 Volvo12 (隔壁老王) 的大作中提到: 】
: 我也感觉骂得不错.
: 感觉民主党就如果中国的工会,表面代表中下层老百姓,其实不是,代表的是亿万富翁和
: 淫乱的同性恋.
: 共和党代表的是红脖子,而且极右倾向越来越严重.
: 就没有哪个政党代表的是高级知识分子,没有社会真正的精英出来搞政治.
老夫给美国做contribution得到回报是理所应当。
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你个黄人祖上没给美国洒过一滴血，凭什么跑来美国享受利益？
问题是你不给他们让利的话，他们没钱消费，美国就会有经济危机，你自己的工作也保不住，到头来你还不如给他们让利
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 那不是黄人抓来的为什么照顾黑鬼要侵害黄人利益？
The administration squandered two irretrievable months to prepare. From the president came willful blindness, scapegoating, boasts, and lies. From his
mouthpieces, conspiracy theories and miracle cures.
写得还是挺尖锐的
床破玩一玩搞破坏的事情玩得挺不错，但是建设性的事情基本上都干不成
搞破坏不需要做什么实事，只要拦住别人做不了事情就成，但床破没有POWER推动人做
建设性的实事。
黑鬼消费微乎其微。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你跟黑人做生意吗？或者你帮做项目的公司能离开黑人的消费不？
不照顾他们上藤校就没钱消费了？还有food bank呢。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 问题是你不给他们让利的话，他们没钱消费，美国就会有经济危机，你自己的工作也保
: 不住，到头来你还不如给他们让利
川普说说吗他是商人有business sense, 可是他偏偏就不懂和气生财的商业101， 每天挑拨这个挑拨那个，执政风格跟商人没半点关系，倒是像一个心怀不轨的阴谋家，颇有老毛的风范
【 在 curiousami (归去来) 的大作中提到: 】
: The administration squandered two irretrievable months to prepare. From
the
: president came willful blindness, scapegoating, boasts, and lies. From his
: mouthpieces, conspiracy theories and miracle cures.
: 写得还是挺尖锐的
: 床破玩一玩搞破坏的事情玩得挺不错，但是建设性的事情基本上都干不成
: 搞破坏不需要做什么实事，只要拦住别人做不了事情就成，但床破没有POWER推动人做
: 建设性的实事。
你可自我感觉良好吧。我家这里有个死胡同，尽头有堵墙，上面写着Black Bottom，从内战开始各次战争给美国捐躯的本胡同出身的黑人名字，都刻在上面。写满一整墙。
人家在美国最艰难的时候，捐了生命捐子孙。
小黄人在苏联解体之后美国最黄金时代来美国享福的，还好意思说自己contribution.
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 老夫给美国做contribution得到回报是理所应当。
各阶层都要有不同的消费习惯吧，本来黑人消费习惯就和华人不一样，华人有钱了攒起来买房子，你会坐邮轮会开party会请歌星来你家祝寿？
你这个商学院的对经济的理解怎么这么肤浅
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不照顾他们上藤校就没钱消费了？还有food bank呢。
你非要说祖上小黄人祖上一样在美国捐了生命修铁路。
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你可自我感觉良好吧。我家这里有个死胡同，尽头有堵墙，上面写着Black Bottom，从
: 内战开始各次战争给美国捐躯的本胡同出身的黑人名字，都刻在上面。写满一整墙。: 人家在美国最艰难的时候，捐了生命捐子孙。
: 小黄人在苏联解体之后美国最黄金时代来美国享福的，还好意思说自己contribution.
瞎扯，我看你才是根本没啥消费，有钱就攒起来葛朗台的理财方式对经济流通毫无贡献。
我的黑人朋友14岁的儿子每周去发廊修剪头发一次就要20.
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 黑鬼消费微乎其微。
不照顾黑人上藤校，黑人就没钱消费吗？上大学本来就该靠merit来，靠AA上去以后只
会毁了国家。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 各阶层都要有不同的消费习惯吧，本来黑人消费习惯就和华人不一样，华人有钱了攒起
: 来买房子，你会坐邮轮会开party会请歌星来你家祝寿？
: 你这个商学院的对经济的理解怎么这么肤浅
允许你从穷逼中国来美国享福，就是给黄人发补偿。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你非要说祖上小黄人祖上一样在美国捐了生命修铁路。
你看黑人和你做一样的工作赚一样的工资，你们的消费方式是完全不同的，这你承认吧？
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不照顾黑人上藤校，黑人就没钱消费吗？上大学本来就该靠merit来，靠AA上去以后只
: 会毁了国家。
老夫投资股市房市当然对经济流通有贡献。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 瞎扯，我看你才是根本没啥消费，有钱就攒起来葛朗台的理财方式对经济流通毫无贡献。
: 我的黑人朋友14岁的儿子每周去发廊修剪头发一次就要20.
不照顾黑人上大学，一样会毁了国家。
failed state，体制问题。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不照顾黑人上藤校，黑人就没钱消费吗？上大学本来就该靠merit来，靠AA上去以后只
: 会毁了国家。
【 在 CHEDS (CHEDS) 的大作中提到: 】
: 我帝就四个毒瘤，
: 一个医疗，一般的保险看病copay比大部分国家的全部治疗费用还高。
: 一个教育，大部分的高中毕业生到中国当个流水线个人都不合格。我帝这随便学个水管
: 工，电工，一年挣个十万没问题，就这么简单的活，红脖子学不了。大学学费动辄五六
: 万，上完还不一定有真正的能力。
: 一个regulations, 各行业人为增加门槛，医生人数严格控制。接跟光纤也要证书，结
: 果国内接个头五元人民币，我帝要五十美元。
: 一个军工，一个驱逐舰比我鳖贵五六倍，每年花七八千亿，武器更新还比我鳖慢几倍。
: 谁能解决一个毒瘤，谁就可以中兴我帝。解决两个，就可以保证和我鳖分庭抗礼。
: 可惜制度决定了，四个毒瘤只能越变越大，没救了。
读书是享福吗？
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 允许你从穷逼中国来美国享福，就是给黄人发补偿。
股市做个屁贡献，光天化日剥夺劳动者的财富，当然了你的财富也被比你资本更大的人通过股市剥夺
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 老夫投资股市房市当然对经济流通有贡献。
: 献。
你家孩子有藤校录取也去不了LOL
这个是投毒，看准了川普是个草包来做的投毒
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 读书是享福吗？
资本市场是经济的血脉，资本市场越发达的国家经济越发达是不争的事实。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 股市做个屁贡献，光天化日剥夺劳动者的财富，当然了你的财富也被比你资本更大的人
: 通过股市剥夺
吹牛逼吧，你个口罩都做不出来还经济发达？真有脸
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 资本市场是经济的血脉，资本市场越发达的国家经济越发达是不争的事实。
production outsourcing是个问题，但经济发不发达看的还是人均GDP，人均GDP前10里除了美帝剩下的都是些弹丸小国很能说明问题。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 吹牛逼吧，你个口罩都做不出来还经济发达？真有脸
说的很好，发现商学院的草包太多
【 在 helloterran (hi you) 的大作中提到: 】
我帝就四个毒瘤，
: 一个医疗，一般的保险看病copay比大部分国家的全部治疗费用还高。
: 一个教育，大部分的高中毕业生到中国当个流水线个人都不合格。我帝这随便学个水管
: 工，电工，一年挣个十万没问题，就这么简单的活，红脖子学不了。大学学费动辄五六
: 万，上完还不一定有真正的能力。
: 一个regulations, 各行业人为增加门槛，医生人数严格控制。接跟光纤也要证书，结
: 果国内接个头五元人民币，我帝要五十美元。
: 一个军工，一个驱逐舰比我鳖贵五六倍，每年花七八千亿，武器更新还比我鳖慢几倍。
: 谁能解决一个毒瘤，谁就可以中兴我帝。解决两个，就可以保证和我鳖分庭抗礼。
: 可惜制度决定了，四个毒瘤只能越变越大，没救了。
一个hedge fund 啥社会贡献没有，每天在股市巧取豪夺，凭啥算进GDP里去？
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: production outsourcing是个问题，但经济发不发达看的还是人均GDP，人均GDP前10里
: 除了美帝剩下的都是些弹丸小国很能说明问题。
读完书没工作？干的是高剩余价值工作还是最低工资工作？允许你干高剩余价值工作，就是让你享福。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 读书是享福吗？
You should read Hayek 1945. Stock market aggregates information, which is
useful for firms and investors to make decisions. 而且不少activist hedge
fund对corporate governance是有很大的帮助。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 一个hedge fund 啥社会贡献没有，每天在股市巧取豪夺，凭啥算进GDP里去？
所以就是overhead cost, 说的不就是吗，GDP的计算太水，美帝公司运营的over head 太高，导致啥啥造不出来,GDP虚高
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: You should read Hayek 1945. Stock market aggregates information, which is : useful for firms and investors to make decisions. 而且不少activist hedge
: fund对corporate governance是有很大的帮助。
你在这争没啥意思。你在这骂黑人，又拿不出解决黑人问题的办法；夸对冲基金，可惜对冲基金也救不了美国瘟疫。
顶这川普的帽子，又没有任何措施解决美国的问题。正从侧面证明了美国failed state，体制问题，无解了。
就算疮是奥巴马，骂一百遍奥巴马，也治不了疮。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: You should read Hayek 1945. Stock market aggregates information, which is : useful for firms and investors to make decisions. 而且不少activist hedge
: fund对corporate governance是有很大的帮助。
结果就是选了川普他家孩子还是去不了藤校，连野鸡学校都没得上
这商学院的草包还没看出来是咋回事
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你在这争没啥意思。你在这骂黑人，又拿不出解决黑人问题的办法；夸对冲基金，可惜
: 对冲基金也救不了美国瘟疫。
: 顶这川普的帽子，又没有任何措施解决美国的问题。正从侧面证明了美国failed
state
: ，体制问题，无解了。
: 就算疮是奥巴马，骂一百遍奥巴马，也治不了疮。
属实，黑人最爱奢侈箱包，鞋，仅次于黄人。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 瞎扯，我看你才是根本没啥消费，有钱就攒起来葛朗台的理财方式对经济流通毫无贡献。
: 我的黑人朋友14岁的儿子每周去发廊修剪头发一次就要20.
默默，白人，华人，黑人的消费习惯都不一样。
红洲经济一直上不去就是因为行为模式太一致
【 在 database (《※★※§Hey§※★※》) 的大作中提到: 】
: 属实，黑人最爱奢侈箱包，鞋，仅次于黄人。
: 献。
不是，是因为人都有私心，所以需要monitor，资本市场就是个非常好的monitor，也是牛逼公司大多在美帝的原因，当然outsource太多是个需要解决的问题。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 所以就是overhead cost, 说的不就是吗，GDP的计算太水，美帝公司运营的over
head
: 太高，导致啥啥造不出来,GDP虚高
让智商不够的黑鬼干高剩余价值工作黑鬼干得了吗？对社会有好处吗？
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 读完书没工作？干的是高剩余价值工作还是最低工资工作？允许你干高剩余价值工作，
: 就是让你享福。
merit-based college admissions criteria like what Caltech does,这就是解决办法
。
【 在 SandersTrump (TrumpSanders) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你在这争没啥意思。你在这骂黑人，又拿不出解决黑人问题的办法；夸对冲基金，可惜
: 对冲基金也救不了美国瘟疫。
: 顶这川普的帽子，又没有任何措施解决美国的问题。正从侧面证明了美国failed
state
: ，体制问题，无解了。
: 就算疮是奥巴马，骂一百遍奥巴马，也治不了疮。
你的工作基本是个人都能干
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 让智商不够的黑鬼干高剩余价值工作黑鬼干得了吗？对社会有好处吗？
搞体育的，文化，艺术啥的，黑人高端的多了去了，工程师里面黑人也不不少，怎么干不了。而且AA藤校才损失华人多少名额，印度人被影响没，其他族裔被影响没，怎么就华人最计较所谓藤校名额。那么多藤校出来的华裔，有几个替着改变华裔形象了。
Andrew yang自己出来，都是把大陆来的和美帝其他华裔分割，自己都不能铁板一块，
还指望天天还中国间谍中国病毒替你解决AA吗
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 让智商不够的黑鬼干高剩余价值工作黑鬼干得了吗？对社会有好处吗？
monitor 的价格远超过做实业的价格？谁来monitor这些贪婪的hedge fund呢？
说明monitor 失灵了, 本身就已经成了必须切掉的毒瘤。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不是，是因为人都有私心，所以需要monitor，资本市场就是个非常好的monitor，也是
: 牛逼公司大多在美帝的原因，当然outsource太多是个需要解决的问题。
: head
就是小农意识眼前亏吃不得。
话说我党当年也是和川普一样一顿忽悠一大堆农民上当。呵呵
【 在 sundevil072 (sundevil) 的大作中提到: 】
: 搞体育的，文化，艺术啥的，黑人高端的多了去了，工程师里面黑人也不不少，怎么干
: 不了。而且AA藤校才损失华人多少名额，印度人被影响没，其他族裔被影响没，怎么就
: 华人最计较所谓藤校名额。那么多藤校出来的华裔，有几个替着改变华裔形象了。
: Andrew yang自己出来，都是把大陆来的和美帝其他华裔分割，自己都不能铁板一块，
: 还指望天天还中国间谍中国病毒替你解决AA吗
写的挺好，基本符合在美多年的观察。
可是，有解决办法么？作者也不知道。或者他没法儿解决。冷战结束的几十年，从里根开始的新自由经济，就是赤裸裸的资本主义，后面发展完全符合马克思早就画出的road map。
金钱收买权力，权力回馈金钱，循环往复，政策永远是向资本精英倾斜，资本精英吸血吸到极致，就是系统千疮百孔崩塌的时候。
上次大萧条，罗斯福知道资本再不让利底层没活路革命在即，要资本家出钱买命，建立了失业保险和社会保险，让底层能活下去。
二战到冷战结束前，美国税率是合理的，财富分配远不像现在这么畸形和上次大萧条前夜一样。
美国是个failed state, 作者看到了问题，可是选掉床铺就能重建美国么？
不改变资本左右政策制定的根本问题，美国问题无解。
不说我，比如说研发疫苗的，你AA上去的人岂不是要出大事？
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你的工作基本是个人都能干
黑鬼基本从事的职业对于社会发展没有任何实质性贡献，论种田黑鬼也种不过小黄人。
【 在 sundevil072 (sundevil) 的大作中提到: 】
: 搞体育的，文化，艺术啥的，黑人高端的多了去了，工程师里面黑人也不不少，怎么干
: 不了。而且AA藤校才损失华人多少名额，印度人被影响没，其他族裔被影响没，怎么就
: 华人最计较所谓藤校名额。那么多藤校出来的华裔，有几个替着改变华裔形象了。
: Andrew yang自己出来，都是把大陆来的和美帝其他华裔分割，自己都不能铁板一块，
: 还指望天天还中国间谍中国病毒替你解决AA吗
你为啥觉得疫苗是唯一的解决办法？
就因为媒体这么说？
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不说我，比如说研发疫苗的，你AA上去的人岂不是要出大事？
You need to read Milton Friedman's work. Profit-maximizing makes everybody
and the society better off.
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: monitor 的价格远超过做实业的价格？谁来monitor这些贪婪的hedge fund呢？
: 说明monitor 失灵了, 本身就已经成了必须切掉的毒瘤。
你的better off 是买不到口罩孩子上不了学吗？
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: You need to read Milton Friedman's work. Profit-maximizing makes everybody
: and the society better off.
不管什么解决办法需要understanding of science，这个靠AA上去肯定不行。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你为啥觉得疫苗是唯一的解决办法？
: 就因为媒体这么说？
病毒可不是hedge fund造出来的。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你的better off 是买不到口罩孩子上不了学吗？
需要理解科学没错，不过终极解决办法会来自于一个只上过几节生化课的人
发现青霉素的人并不是学识最渊博的
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 不管什么解决办法需要understanding of science，这个靠AA上去肯定不行。
老黑好歹满足人民精神文化要求，玩体育一堆人争着买票买球衣刺激消费，搞打牌设计引领潮流。照你说小黄人更没贡献，一堆码农竟是虚头八脑，工程师也没哪个做出牛逼成果的，个个高级技工，老黑不去帮派好好培训都能替代。而且就是码农也没大公司
CEO，千老也没有做到NIH的头头的，最大贡献左宗鸡，还要上藤校吗?
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 黑鬼基本从事的职业对于社会发展没有任何实质性贡献，论种田黑鬼也种不过小黄人。
没说是他们造出来的。就问你买不到口罩孩子上不了学你是否觉得better off?
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 病毒可不是hedge fund造出来的。
那我问你历史上重大发明有几个是黑鬼的contribution?
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 需要理解科学没错，不过终极解决办法会来自于一个只上过几节生化课的人
: 发现青霉素的人并不是学识最渊博的
意识形态挂帅，只能听只能说只能做符合意识形态的LOL
那确实没有，不过小黄人也没有吧，近代最大的贡献是犹太人和白人。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 那我问你历史上重大发明有几个是黑鬼的contribution?
黄人大陆来的年数有限，从民国时期来的做得好的还是不少，还有黑鬼这些位置说句不好听的就是大家看耍猴里的猴子，黄人不做也罢。
【 在 sundevil072 (sundevil) 的大作中提到: 】
: 老黑好歹满足人民精神文化要求，玩体育一堆人争着买票买球衣刺激消费，搞打牌设计
: 引领潮流。照你说小黄人更没贡献，一堆码农竟是虚头八脑，工程师也没哪个做出牛逼
: 成果的，个个高级技工，老黑不去帮派好好培训都能替代。而且就是码农也没大公司: CEO，千老也没有做到NIH的头头的，最大贡献左宗鸡，还要上藤校吗?
: 。
基础科学小黄人还有一些，比如杨八二。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 那确实没有，不过小黄人也没有吧，近代最大的贡献是犹太人和白人。
问题就是耍猴的带动了一大批的就业，包括你的就业
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 黄人大陆来的年数有限，从民国时期来的做得好的还是不少，还有黑鬼这些位置说句不
: 好听的就是大家看耍猴里的猴子，黄人不做也罢。
老夫的MBA学生没有去耍猴的公司的。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 问题就是耍猴的带动了一大批的就业，包括你的就业
这个人均比例可以忽略不计。到底占20%的人口，出了一只手数过来的几个
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 基础科学小黄人还有一些，比如杨八二。
科学在中国起源本来就很晚，所以需要时间积累，看看现在华人faculty有多少就知道
了，偶尔几个黑鬼也不过是点缀的吉祥物。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 这个人均比例可以忽略不计。到底占20%的人口，出了一只手数过来的几个
他们去的公司为耍猴的人服务
比如体育用品公司借着耍猴的人给他们带来生意
没有耍猴的，你的学生都要要饭
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 老夫的MBA学生没有去耍猴的公司的。
再fail也不妨碍各位Chinese virus小将赖在这里不走，你倒是滚回你的先进国去啊
黑人可以说同样的话
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 科学在中国起源本来就很晚，所以需要时间积累，看看现在华人faculty有多少就知道
: 了，偶尔几个黑鬼也不过是点缀的吉祥物。
华人最早晚清就来了，然后全部聚集在中国城，民国来的做了啥，湾湾踢出联合国，土鳖崛起后，华人在美国就是尴尬地位，政府什么时候把在美华人和土鳖政府划清界限了，AA是全体华人受损，老华裔几百万比我们大陆来的多百年，一样给排除，不追究本质有毛用。黑哥能做到那些位置就有社会影响力，说话就有人听，卖惨有人同情，小黄人连当猴说话的机会都没有，还瞧不上啥。
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 黄人大陆来的年数有限，从民国时期来的做得好的还是不少，还有黑鬼这些位置说句不
: 好听的就是大家看耍猴里的猴子，黄人不做也罢。
你和这帮黄皮左臂，八驴粉丝还有粉红蛆认真就输了
【 在 Bernanke(Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 科学在中国起源本来就很晚，所以需要时间积累，看看现在华人faculty有多少
就知道
: 了，偶尔几个黑鬼也不过是点缀的吉祥物。
你以为耍猴的没了像FAANG这样的公司就要要饭？更不要说hedge fund了。
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 他们去的公司为耍猴的人服务
: 比如体育用品公司借着耍猴的人给他们带来生意
: 没有耍猴的，你的学生都要要饭
你们这种赖在哪里添到哪里的傻逼政庇，一张嘴就是一串傻逼逻辑
老子就爱拿着美国薪水来买提消遣你们这帮傻逼。你丫继续悲愤啊
【 在 monsteree (monsteree) 的大作中提到: 】
: 再fail也不妨碍各位Chinese virus小将赖在这里不走，你倒是滚回你的先进国去啊
FAANG 多少收入来自各大赛事的广告？
你不会说是0吧？
你居然好意思提谷歌和NETFLIX，这两转播多少球赛
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 你以为耍猴的没了像FAANG这样的公司就要要饭？
华人faculty比黑鬼的record要强多了，比如tenure standard是八篇tenure，华人可以做到double,黑鬼最多发四篇靠黑皮拿tenure
【 在 rubio200 (cuomo2020) 的大作中提到: 】
: 黑人可以说同样的话
就凭你在这楼的发言水平，我不认为你的文章水准和黑人的文章有本质区别。
两个字：太水
【 在 Bernanke (Ben) 的大作中提到: 】
: 华人faculty比黑鬼的record要强多了，比如tenure standard是八篇tenure，华人可以
: 做到double,黑鬼最多发四篇靠黑皮拿tenure